TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 

CONNECTICUT  ACADEMY  OF  ARTS  AND  SCIENCES 


Incorporated  A.  D.  1799 


YOLUME  21,  PAGES  315-442  MAY,  1917 


A  Survey 

of 

Ancient  Peruvian  Art 


BY 

PHILIP   AINSWORTH   MEANS 


YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

NEW   HAVEN,   CONNECTICUT 
1917 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 

CONNECTICUT  ACADEMY  OF  ARTS  AND  SCIENCES 

Incorporated  A.  D. 1799 

VOLUME  21,  PAGES  315-442  MAY,  1917 


A  Survey 

of 

Ancient  Peruvian  Art 


BY 

PHILIP  AINSWORTH  MEANS 


YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

NEW  HAVEN,  CONNECTICUT 

1917 


THE   TUTTLE,    MOREHOUSE    St   TAYLOR    COMPANY,    NEW    HAVEN,    CONN. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


PAGE 

I.     INTRODUCTION 3T9 

Sketch  Map  of  Peru  ....        facing  321 

II.     THE    CULTURE    PERIODS     OF    PERUVIAN 

ART 322 

1.  The  Proto-Chimu  and   Proto-Nasca   Cul- 

tures      322 

2.  The  Culture  known  as  Tiahuanaco  I.      .  324 

3.  The  Culture  called  Tiahuanaco  II.  .         .  326 

4.  The  Red-white-black  and  Epigonal  Cul- 

tures     328 

5.  The  Chimu  and  Nasca  Cultures        .         .  329 

6.  The  Colla-Chulpa  Culture        .        .         .  330 

7.  Early  Inca  Culture 333 

8.  The  Inca  Culture  at  its  Height        .        .  336 

III.     ANALYSES  OF  THE  ARTS  OR  CULTURES    .  339 

1.  A  Critical  Analysis  of  Proto-Chimu  and 

Proto-Nasca  Art 339 

2.  A  Critical  Analysis  of  Tiahuanaco  II  Art  351 

3.  Relations   between    Proto-Chimu,    Proto- 

Nasca  and  Tiahuanaco  II  363 

4.  A  Critical  Analysis  of  tlie  Epigonal  and 

Red-white-black  Cultures       .         .        .  369 

5.  A   Critical  Analysis  of  the   Chimu  and 

Nasca  Cultures 372 

6.  A  Critical  Analysis  of  Late  Inca  or  Cuzco 

Art 377 


3 iS  Table  of  Contents. 

PAGE 

IV.     THE    QUESTION    OF    CHRONOLOGY    AND 

DATES  IN  EARLY  PERUVIAN  ART   .     383 

APPENDIX  I:     THE  ARCHAIC  TYPE        .         .        .390 

APPENDIX  II :  CHRONOLOGICAL  ORDER  OF  THE 

EARLY  PERUVIAN  CULTURES  .         .     393 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 394 

LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 403 


I.     INTRODUCTION. 

It  will  be  the  writer's  endeavor  to  present  in  this  paper  a  brief 
review  of  the  various  types  of  art  to  be  found  in  pre-Columbian 
Peru.  The  work  is  the  fruit  of  some  four  years'  study,  two 
years  of  that  period  having  been  devoted  to  a  systematic  collec- 
tion of  data  in  various  places  and  under  the  direction  of  various 
people.  As  the  main  purpose  will  be  to  establish  a  basis  for 
the  classification  of  Peruvian  art-objects,  the  study  will  be  con- 
fined to  those  regions  where  the  form  and  stratigraphic  relations 
of  the  various  art-types  that  make  up  the  sequence  of  cultures 
have  been  determined  with  a  reasonable  degree  of  precision.  The 
reader  is  urged  carefully  to  bear  in  mind  the  fact  that  many  of 
the  various  types  are  to  be  found  in  regions  far  removed  from 
those  here  to  be  specified.  But  in  those  regions  which  are  far 
from  the  source  of  an  art-type  or  culture  new  environmental 
and  psychological  conditions  almost  inevitably  exercise  an  influ- 
ence which  results  in  profound  modifications  of  the  original  type. 
The  writer  hopes  that  this  paper  will  help  to  link  certain  of  the 
Peruvian  arts  or  cultures  with  certain  types  of  objects  from 
such  regions  as  Ecuador,  Eastern  Bolivia,  North-western  Argen- 
tina and  Northern  Chile.  It  may  even  be  possible  in  time  to 
gather  material  evidence  which  will  conclusively  prove  the  basic 
unity  of  all  the  more  advanced  types  of  art  in  aboriginal  America. 

In  the  writer's  opinion  it  is  still  too  early  to  attempt,  with 
any  likelihood  of  success,  to  read  or  interpret  the  inner  signifi- 
cance of-  the  various  designs  that  we  shall  study.  Attempts  of 
this  nature  have  been  made  by  Berthon,  (1911),  Joyce,  (1913b), 
Posnansky,  (1914),  and  others,  but  still  it  seems  to  be  unavoid- 
able under  the  present  limitations  of  our  information  that  all 
speculations  of  this  sort  should  lack  an  atmosphere  of  conclu- 
siveness. In  this  day,  with  our  present  incomplete  knowledge 
of  these  ancient  peoples,  we  should  not  attempt  to  read  into  their 
exotic  designs  a  set  of  significances  expressed  in  terms  of  our 
own  experience.  Rather,  the  investigator  should  seek  painstak- 
ingly to  analyze  the  various  component  parts  of  each  pre- 
Columbian  art  or  culture,  as  well  in  Brazil,  Argentina,  Chile, 
Ecuador,   Colombia,   Panama,  and  Middle  America  as  in   Peru 


320  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

and  Bolivia,  with  a  view  first  to  finding  out  the  distribution  of 
each  and  every  element,  and  ultimately  to  arriving  at  some  safe 
and  permanently  tenable  opinion  as  to  the  cultural  ancestry  of 
each  of  the  cultures  that  have  flourished  in  the  several  regions. 

The  writer  also  believes  that  it  is  time  for  a  serious  attempt 
to  be  made  to  construct  for  the  various  cultures  of  pre-Columbian 
Peruvian  art  a  chronology,  supplied  with  approximate  dates,  simi- 
lar to  the  one  already  established  for  the  Maya  area.  In  order  to 
arrive  at  any  permanently  valuable  opinion  as  to  the  cultural 
position  and  cultural  ancestry  of  these  Peruvian  art-types,  it 
will  be  necessary  first  to  know,  at  least  approximately,  when  and 
how  long  they  flourished.  For  many  years  it  has  been  the 
fashion  for  South  American  archaeologists  to  look  askance  at  all 
efforts  to  construct  a  chronology.  The  recent  researches  of 
Dr.  Uhle,  of  the  late  Sir  Clements  Markham,  of  Sr.  Arturo 
Posnansky,  of  the  late  Dr.  Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa  and  of  others 
have,  however,  afforded  material  that  seems  to  justify  a  formal 
undertaking  of  the  construction  of  a  date-chronology  for  the 
various  Peruvian  cultures.  The  author  has  already  made  a 
tentative  effort  in  this  direction,1  and  the  reception  it  has  met 
with  has  encouraged  him  to  pursue  the  matter  further.  It  is 
inevitable  that  discussion  of  this  important  matter  should  finally 
result  in  the  establishment  of  a  reasonably  correct  date-chronol- 
ogy. Accordingly,  in  the  hope  of  bringing  that  desideratum  of 
Peruvian  archaeology  nearer,  he  has  ventured  to  insert  at  the 
end  of  this  study  a  tentative  date-chronology  of  the  various  art- 
periods  or  cultures  of  early  Peru. 

The  author  is  greatly  indebted  to  many  people  for  the  aid, 
of  various  sorts,  that  they  have  given  him  during  the  preparation 
of  this  paper.  Chief  among  these  are  the  following:  Dr.  Roland 
B.  Dixon,  of  Harvard  University;  Dr.  Alfred  M.  Tozzer,  of 
Harvard  University ;  Dr.  George  F.  Eaton,  of  Yale  University ; 
Professor  George  Grant  MacCurdy,  of  Yale  University ;  Dr. 
Herbert  J.  Spinden,  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  His- 
tory ;  Mr.  Charles  W.  Mead,  of  the  American  Museum  of 
Natural  History ;  Professor  Marshall  H.  Saville,  of  the  Museum 
of  the  American  Indian ;  Mr.  Sylvanus  Griswold  Morley,  of  the 
Carnegie  Institution ;    Dr.  Ales  Hrdlicka,  of  the  United   States 

1  Means,  1917. 


Lombayehi 
Chfc/^. , 

r-^acosmayo  '  ))» 
Truxillo  ^f> 


SKETCH  MAP  OF  PERU 


Showing  the  locations  of  the  chief  sites  mentioned  in  the  body 

of  the  paper. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  321 

National  Museum ;  Mr.  F.  W.  Hodge,  of  the  Smithsonian  Insti- 
tution ;  and,  Mr.  Thomas  A.  Joyce,  of  the  British  Museum.  To 
all  these  gentlemen  the  writer  wishes  to  extend  his  thanks  for 
their  help. 

Acknowledgments  are  also  due  to  the  authorities  of  the 
Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  to  those  of  the  Museum  of 
Fine  Arts,  Boston,  and  to  those  of  the  American  Museum  of 
Natural  History  for  permission  to  figure  various  objects  in  their 
collections.  Mr.  Guernsey  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge, 
was  so  kind  as  to  help  the  writer  in  taking  some  of  the  pictures 
that  accompany  the  paper,  and  Dr.  Denman  Waldo  Ross  was  so 
good  as  to  spend  a  long  time  discussing  the  aesthetic  side  of  the 
designs  on  several  of,  the  textiles  here  illustrated. 


II.     THE  CULTURE  PERIODS  OF  PERUVIAN  ART. 

Before  proceeding  to  a  detailed  analysis  or  to  any  endeavor 
to  coordinate  the  various  cultures,  it  will  be  best  for  us  to  state 
as  briefly  as  possible  what  the  periods  of  culture  are  and  where 
each  is  found  at  its  highest  development.  Appendix  II  shows 
their  chronological  position  with  respect  to  one  another,  and  the 
accompanying  map  shows  the  location  of  the  chief  sites  connected 
with  each  of  the  cultures.  It  remains  for  us  to  summarize  the 
outstanding  features  of  the  various  types. 

i.     THE   PROTO-CHIMU   AND    PROTO-NASCA   CULTURES. 

One  may  conveniently  distinguish  between  the  two  subdivi- 
sions of  this  earliest  coast  culture-period  by  remembering  that 
the  Proto-Chimu  flourished  all  along  the  northern  half  of  the 
Peruvian  littoral  and  the  Proto-Nasca  along  the  southern  half.1 
This  subdivision  is  arbitrary,  being  based  on  the  form  of  arts 
prevailing  in  the  two  regions.  It  is  not  a  wholly  satisfactory 
classification,  and  it  may  ultimately  have  to  be  modified.  For 
example,  it  may  sometime  become  desirable  to  delimit  at  Pachaca- 
mac  a  style  which  should  be  called  "Proto-Pachacamac."  Our 
information  is,  however,  too  scanty  to  justify  such  a  course  as 
yet,  and  it  is  better  for  the  present  to  rely  upon  the  classification 
here  offered,  which  does  preserve  and  emphasize  the  main  lines 
of  differentiation  between  the  major  varieties  of  the  earliest 
coast  art. 

The  art  of  the  region  around  Chan  Chan  and  Moche2  in  the 
modern  department  of  Libertad  is  characterized  by  features  that 

1  The  terms  "Proto-Chimu"  and  "Proto-Nasca"  were  adopted  by 
Dr.  Uhle  after  he  discovered  that  the  objects  belonging  to  them  did  not 
belong  to  the  Chimu  and  Nasca  cultures.  The  name  by  which  the  early 
but  highly  gifted  people  called  themselves  is  unknown. 

2  Here  again,  the  nomenclature  must  be  commented  upon.  The  two 
places  just  named  are  near  Trujillo  and  they  are  the  chief  sites  for  Proto- 
Chimu  ware.  The  name  Chimu  is  used  for  the  same  sites  at  a  later  period, 
when  the  Chimu  culture  was  flourishing.  Chimu  is  derived  from  the 
Mochica  place-name  Chimorr  or  Chamorr ;  Moche  is  the  Hispanicised 
form  for  Muchik;  Chiclayo  was  formerly  Chajaep;  Lambayeque  is 
derived  from  Nampajek.     Cf.  Middendorf,  1892,  p.  64. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  323 

set  it  in  sharp  contrast  to  other  Peruvian  art-types.  As  a  rule, 
the  other  Peruvian  cultures  are  marked  by  conventionalization. 
The  Proto-Chimu,  on  the  contrary,  is  comparatively  free  from 
conventionalization  and  is  marked  by  strong  realism,  especially 
in  the  animal  forms,  "portraits"  and  "landscapes."  In  close 
association  with  the  elaborate  modelling  in  the  round  went 
painted  decorations  of  a  type  always  easy  to  identify.  These 
paintings  were  usually  in  dark  reddish  brown  on  a  cream-colored 
slip.  In  a  few  cases  such  colors  as  light  red,  orange  and  buff 
were  used  in  the  vase-paintings.  The  outlines  of  the  figures 
are  marked  by  a  grace  that  is  unusual  in  Peruvian  art,  and  in 
the  grouping  of  the  various  scenes  a  striking  command  of  the 
principles  of  composition  and  grouping  is  displayed.  Some  of 
the  vase-paintings  of  this  period  partake  of  the  nature  of  genre 
paintings,  and  they  help  us  in  no  slight  degree  to  reconstruct  the 
material  culture  and  customs  of  the  people  whom  they  depict. 

It  is  but  right  to  say  here  a  word  or  two  regarding  the  reasons 
that  have  led  Uhle,  Joyce  and  several  others  to  believe  that  the 
Proto-Chimu  and  the  Proto-Nasca  are  the  earliest  Peruvian  arts. 
The  architecture  associated  with  remains  of  this  culture  takes 
the  form  of  massive  walls  built  up  of  large  balls  of  clay  placed 
in  position  while  still  wet  and  allowed  to  dry  in  such  a  manner 
that  they  partly  ran  together,  thereby  forming  a  solid  mass 
of  material.  Stratigraphic  evidence  proves  that  this  architecture, 
of  which  only  a  little  is  left,  is  the  oldest.3 

Reserving  further  comments  on  Proto-Chimu  art  for  a  later 
page,  we  will  now  run  over  the  outstanding  features  of  Proto- 
Nasca  art,  always  bearing  in  mind  the  fact  that  it  was  probably 
not  only  contemporaneous  with  Proto-Chimu  but  also  closely 
associated  with  it  on  ethnic  grounds. 

Undoubtedly  Proto-Nasca  will,  in  time,  serve  more  truly  to 
explain  certain  problems  than  will  Proto-Chimu.  At  the  same 
time,  regarded  merely  as  an  art,  it  is  not  so  remarkable.  It  is 
more  like  other  Peruvian  arts,  for  reasons  that  will  later  appear. 
Unlike  the  Proto-Chimu,  Proto-Nasca  is  not  characterized  by 
graceful  modelling  and  graceful  painting.  Rather,  it  sacrifices 
both  the  form  of  the  vessels  and  the  lines  of  the  paintings  to  a 
remarkable  wealth  of  coloration.     To  the  novice,  it  is  true,  the 

3  Joyce,  1912,  p.  179;    Uhle.  1913,  pp.  102-103;    Means,  1917. 


324  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

Proto-Nasca  vessels  appear  sombre  enough,  but  the  more  one 
studies  them  the  more  he  becomes  impressed  with  the  wonderful 
richness  and  variety  of  their  tints.  The  mere  fact  that  most  of 
them  are  from  the  dark  side  of  the  color-scale  does  not  impair 
the  effect  of  subdued  richness.  If,  then,  we  never  find  in  Proto- 
Nasca  the  astonishingly  good  modelling  that  excites  wonder, 
and  sometimes  amusement,  at  the  Proto-Chimu  art,  the  lack  is 
in  part  made  up  for  by  the  presence  of  sumptuous  color  combina- 
tions that  may  well  give  valuable  hints  to  modern  artists. 

It  is  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Joyce  that  no  textiles  of  this  period 
have  survived  to  the  present  time.4  But  for  reasons  to  be 
enlarged  upon  later,  the  present  writer  ventures  to  hold  the  con- 
trary opinion  on  this  point. 

Though  profoundly  different,  as  has  been  shown,  the  Proto- 
Chimu  and  Proto-Nasca  arts  have  similarities  to  one  another 
that  are  quite  as  significant  as  their  divergences.  The  similarities 
are  to  be  found  in  the  subject-matter  of  the  two  arts  rather  than 
in  the  details  of  their  execution.  In  both,  the  use  of  headdresses 
decorated  with  animal-faces  is  apparent;  in  both,  the  use  of 
various  sorts  of  masks  and  of  eye-painting  is  noticeable;  and 
in  both  the  centipede-like  tail  ending  in  a  human  face  is  often 
found.  An  important  article  by  Mr.  Joyce  affords  the  material 
for  forming  these  opinions.5 

2.     THE  CULTURE  KNOWN  AS  TIAHUANACO  I. 

The  researches  of  Posnansky,  Uhle,  Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa  and 
others  have  established  the  fact  that  the  remains  at  and  around 
Tiahuanaco0  in  Bolivia  represent  two  sharply  differentiated 
cultures.  Of  these,  the  cruder  was  the  earlier.  Posnansky,  to 
whom  the  subdividing  is  chiefly  to  be  credited,  calls  this  first 
and    simpler    epoch     "Tiahuanaco    Primitivo."      The    writer,    in 


4  Joyce,  1912,  p.  200. 

s  Joyce,  1913b. 

,:  Though  we  shall  fall  in  with  modern  usage  and  employ  the  name 
Tiahuanaco,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  early  name  for  the  place  appears 
to  have  been  Taypicala.  This,  according  to  Cobo  (IV,  p.  65)  and  Ban- 
delier  (1911,  pp.  222  and  243),  has  the  meaning  of  "Stone-in-the-Center 
(of  the  Universe)."  The  word  appears  to  be  derived  from  the  "Aymara" 
(correctly,  Colla)  terms  taipiri,  center,  and  ccala,  worked  stone.  (Cf. 
Vocabulario  poliglota  incaico,  1905.) 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  325 

seeking  for  a  good  English  equivalent  for  this  term,  decided  to 
adopt  one  that  was  suggested  by  Aegean  archaeology — hence 
"Tiahuanaco  I,"   and  also   "Tiahuanaco  II." 

The  architecture  of  Tiahuanaco  I  was  true  megalithic  masonry. 
In  building  a  wall,  the  early  Tiahuanaco  people  adopted  the 
simple  but  effective  method  of  setting  up  at  intervals  large 
vertical  oblong  monoliths.  In  the  edges  of  these  nearest  to  the 
next  pillar  grooves  were  often  cut  from  the  base  to  the  top  and 
into  them  the  builders  fitted  other  blocks  of  stone  by  means  of 
which  a  wall  of  comparatively  small  stones  was  made  between 
the  large  ones. 

In  all  probability  Tiahuanaco  I  was  contemporary,  at  least 
in  part,  with  Proto-Chimu  and  Proto-Nasca.  Nevertheless,  as 
will  be  developed  later,  there  is  no  trace  of  the  early  coast  types 
to  be  found  associated  with  Tiahuanaco  I  deposits.  It  is,  in 
the  writer's  opinion,  impossible  to  say  with  accuracy  whether 
or  not  any  pottery  or  textiles  have  survived  from  the  Tiahuanaco 
I  period.  Posnansky,  however,  figures  two  rude  stone  heads  used, 
apparently,  as  wall-ornaments,  dating  from  this  period.7 

Even  a  brief  study  of  Tiahuanaco  I  reveals  the  fact  that  it 
is  totally  unlike  either  of  the  probably  contemporaneous  coast- 
cultures.  What,  then,  is  it  like?  Is  it  an  indigenous  and  autoch- 
thonous culture?  The  whole  trend  of  modern  investigation  into 
the  ancient  cultures  of  America  discourages  belief  in  the  autoch- 
thonous nature  of  the  Tiahuanaco  I  culture.  It  must,  therefore, 
have  been  derived  from  some  other  region.  As  it  obviously  is 
not  connected,  even  remotely,  with  any  of  the  other  cultures 
in  South  America  that  can  possibly  have  been  contemporary  with 
it,  save  for  one  possible  exception,  we  must  study,  however 
briefly,  the  strands  of  evidence  that  bind  it  to  the  group  of  cul- 
tures which  constitute  that  exception.  It  is,  then,  suggested  that 
the  erectors  of  the  Tiahuanaco  I  culture  were  related  to,  or  even 
members  of,  the  great  Arawakan  stock  of  Brazil.  This  is  as 
yet  but  a  theory.  Facts,  however,  lend  it  a  certain  color  of  truth. 
These  facts  we  will  briefly  outline. 

Far  to  the  south-east  of  Lake  Titicaca,  in  the  Bolivian  province 
of  Santa  Cruz,  is  a  site  called  Samaipata  which  yields  cut  rocks 
very  suggestive  of  the  stone-work  of  Tiahuanaco  I.     We  owe 


Posnansky,  191 1,  p.  33. 


326  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

our  knowledge  of  this  place  to  Baron  Nordenskjold,  and  it  is 
his  opinion  that  the  remains  at  Samaipata  are  associated  with 
Arawakan  builders.8  Archaeology,  then,  offers  a  slender  thread 
with  which  to  bind  the  Tiahuanaco  I  culture  with  the  Arawakan 
stock  at  Samaipata.  But  this  is  not  all  the  evidence  afforded  by 
archaeology.  The  island  of  Marajo,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Amazon, 
yields  evidences  of  occupation  by  a  people  who  had  a  stone 
technique  of  a  grade  similar  to  that  of  the  Tiahuanaco  I  people. 
Finally  the  characteristic  feature  of  the  better  sort  of  Tiahuan- 
aco I  stone-carvings  is  the  continuity  of  the  eyebrows  and  nose 
so  as  to  form  a  T-shaped  figure.9  This  feature  is  also  found  in 
some  of  the  pottery  heads  from  Marajo  in  the  Peabody  Museum, 
Cambridge,  and  likewise  it  is  observable  on  the  secondary  decora- 
tions of  the  Weeping  God  figure  at  Tiahuanaco.  (See  Plate 
VII.) 

Furthermore,  linguistics  and  a  study  of  migrations  seem  to 
throw  some  light  on  the  situation.  Haddon  indicates  roughly 
that  there  was  a  shift  of  peoples  from  north-eastern  South 
America  toward  the  Titicaca  and  Samaipata  regions.  Chamber- 
lain and  others  indicate  that  members  of  the  Arawakan  linguistic 
stock  are  to  be  found  far  over  toward  the  Andes  at  the  latitude 
of  Lake  Titicaca.10 

On  the  whole,  then,  there  is  a  certain  justification  for  sug- 
gesting that  the  first  high-cultured  dwellers  at  Tiahuanaco  were 
derived  from  stock  belonging  to  the  eastern  half  of  the  continent. 
The  reader  is  reminded,  however,  that  this  whole  point  is  in 
an  embryonic  state  of  discussion.  Only  long  and  systematic 
work  will  definitely  establish  the  Arawakan  derivation  of  the 
Tiahuanaco  I  people  and  their  culture. 

3.     THE  CULTURE  CALLED  TIAHUANACO  II. 

If  Tiahuanaco  I  was  probably  contemporary  with  the  Proto- 
Chimu  and  Proto-Nasca  cultures  of  the  coast,  Tiahuanaco  II 
is  no  less  probably  derived,  at  least  in  part,  from  the  latter  of 
those  two  coast  cultures.     This  will  be  enlarged  upon  later  on. 


s  Nordenskjold,  1902,  1906,  1906b. 

9  See  Posnansky,  1914,  Plate  XXXX. 

10  Haddon,  1912;    Chamberlain,  1913b,  p.  474  ff. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  327 

There  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  the  culture  which  we  call  Tia- 
huanaco  II  was  the  most  highly  developed  in  South  America. 
It  even  rivals  the  Maya  culture  of  the  "Old  Empire"  cities  in 
the  southern  part  of  Yucatan. 

It  may  be  true  that  it  is  dangerous  to  measure  the  actual  spread 
of  a  culture  by  the  boundaries  of  the  territory  within  which 
remains  of  its  distinctive  products  are  to  be  found.  Political 
affinities,  of  course,  cannot  be  determined  by  any  such  evidence ; 
but,  nevertheless,  the  fact  that  Tiahuanaca  II  objects  are  found 
from  Colombia  to  Argentina  is  a  proof  that  the  cultural  domi- 
nance of  Tiahuanaco  II  was  exceedingly  widespread. 

As  we  have  seen,  there  was  a  shift,  in  the  transition  from 
Proto-Chimu  to  Proto-Nasca,  from  a  light-toned  art  enriched  by 
good  modelling  to  a  dark-toned  art  characterized  by  poor  and 
slight  modelling.  For  reasons  to  be  brought  out  later  it  is  but 
natural  that  we  should  find  the  characteristics  of  Proto-Nasca  art 
carried  on  to  their  logical  development  in  the  art  of  Tiahuanaco 
II.    This  natural  state  of  affairs  is  found  to  exist. 

In  Plate  VII  we  see  an  important  portion  of  the  largest  mono- 
lithic gateway  at  Tiahuanaco.  It  may  safely  be  said  to  be  an 
epitome  of  Tiahuanaco  II  art.  Its  characteristics,  from  our 
point  of  view,  may  be  listed  thus :  ( 1 )  A  headdress  decorated 
with  ray-like  tabs.  (2)  Square-headed  chief  figure  with  round 
eyes  from  which  run  down  the  "tears."  (3)  A  short  stout  body 
with  a  necklace  and  a  short,  skirt-like  garment  held  up  by  bands 
that  run  over  the  shoulders.  (4)  Four-digit  hands  holding  cere- 
monial staves.  All  these  elements  will,  of  course,  be  analyzed 
in  full  later  on. 

In  general  terms,  one  may  say  that  Tiahuanaco  II  art,  whether 
in  stone,  pottery,  textiles  or  bronze,  is  the  most  elaborate  we  have 
yet  seen.  Birds  with  human  bodies,  pumas,  fishes  and  other  ani- 
mal forms  combine  with  almost  innumerable  conventionalized 
decorations  to  form  an  art  of  surpassing  complexity.  In  the 
pottery  of  this  period  we  find  a  sacrifice  of  coloration  to  a  per- 
fection of  the  almost  glaze-like  finish.  In  other  cases,  however, 
Tiahuanaco  II  pottery  has  neither  rich  coloration  nor  fine  finish. 
Red  and  black  are  the  chief  colors  employed,  though  sometimes 
white  is  found  as  well.  The  textiles,  however,  naturally  preserve 
a  wider  range  of  tint.  Unfortunately,  most  of  those  that  have 
survived  into  our  day  come  from  the  coast  and  so  do  not  repre- 


328  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

sent  Tiahuanaco  art  as  having  the  austere  elaborateness  that 
marks  it  in  the  highlands.  Indeed,  this  characteristic  of  the 
textiles  of  Tiahuanaco  II  on  the  coast  may  have  been  found  also 
on  the  pottery  from  that  region  and  period.  It  may  well  have 
been  a  heritage  from  the  rich-tinted  Proto-Nasca  period. 

In  many  ways  the  civilization  of  the  Tiahuanaco  II  "Empire" 
was  the  highest  that  ever  flourished  in  pre-Columbian  America. 
As  has  been  said,  it  may  not  have  been  wholly  a  political 
"empire,"  but  it  is  probable  that  all  through  the  wide  area  where 
Tiahuanaco  II  objects  are  found  there  was  a  constant  interchange 
of  ideas  and  merchandise.  This  opinion  is  borne  out  by  the 
fact  that  all  the  chief  edifices  at  Tiahuanaco  itself  were  of  mas- 
sive stone.  On  the  coast,  however,  where  the  earlier  people 
(Proto-Chimu  and  Proto-Nasca)  had  used  adobe  and  where 
stone  was  not  easily  obtainable,  the  Tiahuanaco  II  people  adapted 
the  old  clay-ball  architecture  of  their  predecessors  to  their  needs 
by  modifying  the  clay  balls  into  real  bricks  of  sun-dried  clay. 
These  bricks,  or  adobes,  ranged  in  size  from  seven  or  eight 
inches  in  length  to  three  feet  or  more.  Different  sized  adobes 
were  used  for  different  needs,  just  as  different  sized  stones  were 
used  in  the  similar  circumstances. 

4.     THE   RED-WHITE-BLACK   AND   EPIGONAL   CULTURES. 

In  general,  it  may  be  said  that  the  red-white-black  ware  fol- 
lowed the  Tiahuanaco  II  period  of  the  north  part  of  the  coast, 
and  that  "epigonal"  ware  was  distinctive  of  the  southern  part 
of  the  coast.  Both  were  the  successors  of  Tiahuanaco  II,  and 
both,  especially  the  "epigonal,"  were  influenced  by  it  and  by 
the  earliest  cultures.  In  this  period  the  architecture  remained 
much  the  same  as  in  the  preceding  one,  and  the  only  radical 
difference  that  exists  between  Proto-Chimu  and  red-white-black 
on  the  one  hand  and  Proto-Nasca  or  Tiahuanaco  II  and  "epi- 
gonal" on  the  other  is  that  neither  of  the  later  types  were  as 
technically  admirable  as  the  earlier  ones. 

Leaving  for  a  later  page  the  discussion  of  the  details  of  this 
art-period,  we  will  mention  the  only  hint  we  possess  of  who  the 
makers  of  the  red-white-black  ware  were.  It  seems  that  the 
dynasty  of  Chimu  was  preceded  in  a  portion  of  the  north  part 
of  the  coast  by  another  dynasty  called  Naymlap  whose  chief  seat 


A  Survey  of  Ancient^  Peruvian  Art.  329 

was  Lambayeque.11  The  Naymlap  people  came  from  the  north 
by  sea,  and  they  built  up  a  state  that  was  apparently  conquered 
by  the  chief  Chimu.  All  this,  however,  is  as  yet  mere  unsub- 
stantiated theory. 

5.  THE  CHIMU  AND  NASCA  CULTURES. 

With  this  period  one  begins  to  get  some  hint  of  the  political, 
social  and  ethnological  conditions  under  which  the  people  lived. 
Several  authors,  ancient  as  well  as  modern,  give  valuable  infor- 
mation on  this  head.12 

All  that,  interesting  though  it  is,  lies  without  the  scope  of  the 
present  paper.  We  will  therefore  content  ourselves  with  observ- 
ing that  in  the  period  which  we  are  now  considering  the  north- 
ern portion  of  the  coast,  from  Tumbez  down  to  Casma,  was  under 
the  sway  of  a  great  chief  known  to  the  Incas  as  Chimu  Capac 
(Great  Chimu).  The  valleys  of  Rimac,  Pachacamac  and  Chan- 
cay  were  ruled  by  another  great  chief  called  Cuismancu.  Runa- 
huanac,  Huarcu,  Mala  and  Chilca  were  ruled  by  Chuquimancu. 
Ica  and  Pisco-  (and  perhaps  Nasca)  were  ruled  by  the  powerful 
chief  Chincha. 

The  different  valleys  being  so  divided  from  one  another  in 
political  ways,  it  is  not  surprising  that  we  find  considerable  local 
differences  in  art-types  as  well.  Yet  we  have  no  grounds  for 
assuming  that  the  coast  peoples  were  not  rather  closely  related  on 
ethnic  lines,  which  explains,  no  doubt,  certain  widespread  resem- 
blances between  the  arts  of  the  various  regions.13 

The  architecture  of  this  period,  perhaps  because  of  the  influ- 
ence of  Tiahuanaco  II,  was  very  elaborate.  Adobe  continued  to 
be  the  chief  material,  but  it  was  used  in  more  complex  ways. 
Palaces,  workshops,  reservoirs,  aqueducts  and  many  other  elab- 
orate works  were  constructed.  The  custom  of  using  stucco  reliefs 
on  walls  became  fairly  common.14 

11  See  Markham,  1912,  p.  222;  Joyce,  1912,  pp.  50  ff. ;  Beuchat,  1912, 
pp.  584  ff. ;    Means,  1917;    Garcia  Rosell,  1903. 

12  See  Cieza,  1864,  pp.  233  ff.,  1883,  pp.  185-193;  Garcilarsso,  II,  pp.  181- 
201;  Cobo,  1892,  IV,  pp.  47-54;  Markham,  1912,  pp.  200-239;  Joyce,  1912, 
pp.  95  ff. ;   Garcia  Rosell,  1903;   Arriaga,  1621. 

13  Hrdlicka.  1914,  pp.  41  ff.,  and  pp.  52  ff. 

"Middendorf,  1894-95,  II,  p.  375 ;  Squier,  1877,  pp.  136  ff.,  150  ff. ; 
Joyce,  1912,  pp.  150  ff. 


33°  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

The  artifacts  of  the  period  under  consideration  are  chiefly  in 
the  form  of  pottery,  albeit  textiles  are  also  present  to  a  consid- 
erable extent.  In  general,  designs  on  Nasca  textiles  may  be  said 
to  take  the  form  of  rather  simple,  but  by  no  means  crude,  geo- 
metric patterns,  perhaps  with  a  slight  and  conventionalized  zoo- 
morphic  element,  such  as  those  in  Uhle,  1913b,  Figures  3,  7,  and 
9.  On  both  pottery  and  textiles  of  this  region  and  period  the 
colors  were  much  less  numerous  and  splendid  than  they  were  in 
either  the  Proto-Nasca  period  or  the  Tiahuanaco  II  period.  If, 
then,  Nasca  art  can  be  said  to  preserve  an  echo  of  the  color  tra- 
ditions of  its  predecessors,  and  also  of  their  geometric  tendencies, 
(for  some  of  its  chief  motifs  are  derived  directly  from  some  of 
their  minor  ornamental  details),  so,  in  no  less  degree,  can  the 
black  modelled  ware  of  the  Chimu  period  be  said  to  preserve  the 
realistic  tendencies,  as  well  as  some  of  the  decorative  motifs,  of 
Proto-Chimu  art. 

6.     THE  COLLA-CHULPA  CULTURE. 

The  name  chosen  to  distinguish  this  period  is  made  up  of  the 
two  names  applied  by  various  writers  to  the  people  who  lived 
in  it.15 

As  the  general  culture-level  was  so  low,  it  is  but  natural  that 
the  pottery  of  this  period  should  be  poor.  The  best  collection  of 
it  is  that  made  by  Bandelier  which  is  now  to  be  seen  in  the  Ameri- 

"Joyce,  1912,  p.  75,  Markham,  1912,  p.  186,  Beuchat,  1912,  p.  576,  and 
others  use  the  term  Collas.  Bandelier,  1910,  pp.  184  ff.,  calls  them  Chullpa. 
(The  double  11  is  without  justification.)  The  term  Aymard,  often  applied 
to  these  people  by  writers,  and  even  by  such  first-rank  authorities  as 
Bandelier  (1910,  pp.  63  ct  passim),  Hrdlicka  (1911,  p.  1)  and  others,  is 
entirely  misleading.  The  people  who  lived  in  the  Titicaca  basin  between 
the  time  of  Tiahuanaco  II  and  the  Inca  conquests  were  the  Collas.  It 
was  they  who  produced  the  culture  here  to  be  discussed  and  who  built 
the  chulpas  or  burial-towers.  The  name  Aymara  was  first  given  to  these 
people  by  the  Jesuits  of  Juliaca  some  time  before  1590,  and  it  was  estab- 
lished in  usage  by  Bertonio  (1603)  and  Torres  Rubio  (1616).  All  this 
has  been  emphasized  by  Markham  (1912,  p.  192)  and  Joyce  (1912,  p.  75) 
but  it  cannot  be  dwelt  upon  too  often.  The  mistake  of  the  Jesuits  is 
accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  the  Aymaras,  whose  original  home  was 
between  Cuzco  and  the  continental  divide,  were  conquered  by  the  Inca 
Pachacutec  and  were  moved,  by  him,  to  Lake  Titicaca  as  mitiniaes. 
(Sarmiento,  1907,  p.   108;    Garcilasso,  II,  p.  50.) 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  331 

can  Museum  of  Natural  History,  New  York  City.  It  has  not 
seemed  to  the  writer  to  be  worth  while  to  include  pictures  of  this 
type,  so  a  description  will  be  given  in  order  that  some  idea  of  the 
type  may  be  formed. 

In  the  Bandelier  collection  are  a  number  of  jars  from  Sillus- 
tani,  a  place  that  was  probably  the  site  of  important  activities 
during  the  Colla-Chulpa  period.16  The  vessels  are  made  in  two 
styles.  One  is  a  small  type  of  vessel  of  white  clay,  rather  coarse 
and  undecorated;  the  other  type  is  made  up  of  red  ware,  also 
coarse,  with  designs  in  black  upon  it.  Other  specimens,  doubt- 
less from  this  period,  are  a  class  of  rather  coarse  and  clumsy 
bowls  with  design  suggestive  of  the  "epigonal"  of  the  coast. 
(See  Bandelier,  1910,  Plate  XXI.)  Coarse  bottles  of  dark  red 
clay,  sometimes  decorated  with  black  lines,  and  gray  bottles  with 
incised  rectilinear  spirals  seem  to  exhaust  the  artistic  repertory 
of  the  Colla-Chulpa  potter.  In  bronze  work,  however,  the  Colla- 
Chulpa  folk  were  much  more  advanced,  as  is  evidenced  by  the 
archaeology  of  the  region  where  the  chulpas  abound.17 

It  would  be  a  mistake  to  close  our  study  of  this  intermediate 
period  without  a  brief  study  of  the  unusual  architectural  form 
that  peculiarly  marks  it.  The  chulpas  are  strictly  speaking  stone 
towers,  either  circular  or  rectangular  in  plan.  They  vary  greatly 
in  size  and  neither  their  use  nor  their  distribution  is  yet  definitely 
settled.  Even  with  our  present  limited  information,  however,  it 
is  possible  to  distinguish  several  types  of  chulpa.  Sir  Clements 
Markham  long  ago  suggested  that  the  cruder  types  might  have 
been  adopted  later  by  the  Incas  who  evolved  from  them  the  less 
crude  types.18  Without  formally  accepting  this  theory,  we  will 
discuss  each  of  the  types  in  the  order  of  their  apparent  antiquity, 
bearing  in  mind  the  possibility  that  appearances  may  be  deceptive. 
The  most  primitive  form  of  chulpa,  then,  is  that  which  is  found 
at  Ouellenata  and  Ullulloma.19  The  former  of  these  places  is 
close  to  the  north-western  end  of  Lake  Titicaca ;  the  latter  is  about 
fifty  miles  north-west  of  there.     Primitive  chulpas  also  occur  at 

16  Bandelier,  1910,  pp.  184  ff. ;    Bandelier,  1905;    Squier,  1877,  pp.  376-384; 
Markham,  1912,  pp.  186  ff. 
"Beuchat,  1912,  pp.  580  ff. ;    Nordenskjold,  1906,  1906b. 

18  Markham,  1871,  p.  308. 

19  Squier,  1877,  pp.  386  ff. 

Trans.  Conn.  Acad.,  Vol.  XXI  23  1917 


33 2  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

Sillustani,  on  the  west  of  the  northern  end  of  Lake  Titicaca,  at 
Kalaki  on  the  eastern  shore,  and  at  Coni  and  Curahuara  far  to 
the  south-east  of  the  Lake.20  It  will  be  seen  that  this  type  of 
chulpa  wa^  built  over  a  wide  area.  Speaking  in  general  terms, 
it  is  a  round  stone  tower  which  is  smaller  at  the  bottom  than  at 
the  top.  The  stones  are  uncut,  and  had  some  binding  material. 
In  some  cases  the  roof  is  flat;  in  others  it  is  a  truncated  cone. 
Stone  was  the  sole  material.  The  edifices  of  this  type  belong  to 
the  fourth  period  of  Posnansky's  culture-sequence.  He  calls  it 
the  "epoch  of  edifices  of  adobe  and  pirca  (uncut  stone)."21 
This  reckoning  would  place  the  style  just  prior  to  Inca  times. 
The  second  type  was,  in  outline,  the  same  as  the  first.  It  tended, 
however,  to  be  larger,  and  the  stone  was  carefully  cut  so  as  to 
make  a  beautifully  built  wall.  Sillustani,  Coni  and  Kalaki  are 
the  chief  sites  for  this  type.  The  third  and  final  type  was  some- 
what the  same  as  type  two  in  regard  to  the  material,  but  it  dif- 
fered from  the  other  two  in  being  rectangular  in  plan  and  very 
large,  sometimes  as  much  as  thirty  feet  in  height.22  Unlike  the 
other  two  types,  which  had  but  one  interior  chamber,  this  third 
type  sometimes  had  two  chambers,  one  above  the  other.  It  is  to 
be  noted  that  this  type  is  the  only  one  which  occurs  outside  the 
Titicaca  drainage.  There  is  an  interesting  example  of  it  at 
Palca,  not  far  from  Tacna  in  northern  Chile.23 

The  question  of  who  the  Collas  really  were  is  a  complex  and 


20Bandelier,  1910,  pp.  243  ff.,  1910,  p.  186;  von  Tschudi,  1868,  V, 
pp.  202  ff. 

21  Posnansky,  1911b,  p.  17. 

"  Squier,  1877,  pp.  352  ff.,  372  ff. 

23  Squier,  1877,  pp.  242  ff. 

The  whole  question  of  the  distribution  of  the  chulpa-type  of  building 
is  a  highly  important  one,  in  all  probability.  The  type  has  prototypes 
over  a  very  large  area.  The  writer  has  found  it  in  the  region  of  Ollan- 
taytambo.  It  exists  in  the  neighborhood  of  Oroya  (see  Dr.  William  C. 
Farrabee's  photographs  in  the  Peabody  Museum)  and  something  strik- 
ingly like  it  is  found  at  Cuelap  and  other  sites  in  the  region  of  Chacha- 
poyas.  (Bandelier,  1907.)  Again,  in  the  district  of  Huarochiri,  buildings 
of  the  chulpa  type  are  found  in  the  middle  portion  of  Peru  and  fairly 
near  the  coast.  (Hrdlicka,  1914,  Plates  3  and  4.)  At  present  the  evidence 
is  rather  tantalizing  than  illuminating.  One  can  only  say  that  over  this 
wide  area  there  seems  to  have  been  a  material  culture  of  the  same 
general  level  as.that  of  the  Colla  in  immediately  pre-Inca  times. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  333 

important  one.  In  considering  it  one  must  not  forget  the  presence 
in  the  Titicaca  basin  of  another  and  much  lower-cultured  stock 
called  Urus  or  Uros.  The  general  trend  of  the  evidence  at  hand 
regarding  the  Urus  shows  them  to  be  very  low-cultured  and 
quite  widely  distributed.  In  fact,  their  area  at  the  time  we  are 
considering  extended  from  Titicaca  down  to  Lake  Poopo  or 
Aullagas.  It  may  have  extended  westward  to  the  Chilean  coast. 
The  stock  was  probably  an  old  one.  Boman  (1908,  I,  p.  72) 
suggests  that  the  Urus  were  vestiges  of  the  earliest  pre-Yunca 
(i.  e.  pre-Proto-Chimu)  population,  and  that  they  were  driven 
south  and  east  by  the  earliest  high-cultured  invaders.  At  the 
same  time,  we  must  remember  that,  in  the  same  general  area, 
the  higher-cultured  Collas  had  a  culture  which  was  similar  to  that 
found  in  the  north-western  parts  of  Argentina.  It  might  be 
suggested  that  one  of  these  racial  elements  represents  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Tiahuanaco  II  "empire"  and  that  the  other  repre- 
sents the  invading  race  which  may  have  helped  to  bring  it  to  a 
close.  But  which  is  which,  and  if  this  is  the  truth,  we  cannot 
surely  tell.2,1  To  some  it  may  seem  more  satisfactory  to  assume 
that  there  were  two  strata  of  population — Collas  and  Uros — who 
were  mutually  aloof.  Such  a  state  of  affairs  has  been  known  to 
exist  in  Asia,  Oceania  and  elsewhere.  Certainly  the  Titicaca 
basin  is  spacious  enough  to  permit  isolated  groups  of  Uros  to 
dwell  wholly  apart  from  the  surrounding  Colla  communities. 

7.     EARLY  INCA  CULTURE. 

As  has  been  said  before,  the  culture  of  the  mountain  regions 
away  from  the  sea  suffered  a  general  and  marked  subsidence 
after  the  Tiahuanaco  II  period,  a  subsidence  which  we  have 
studied  under  the  name  of  Colla-Chulpa  culture.  Therefore, 
when  that  gens  of  the  valley  of  Cuzco  which  later  became  the 
Inca  dynasty  began  to  raise  its  own  culture-level  and  that  of 
the  surrounding  tribes  it  had  not  much  artistic  tradition  on  which 
to  establish  its  own  art.25 

24  Cf.  Chamberlain,  1910,  1910b,  1911,  1913;  Boman,  1908;  Garcilasso, 
II,  pp.  223-227. 

25  It  seems  to  the  writer  that  the  character  of  the  Inca  gens  has  never 
been  properly  appreciated,  -save,  in  a  measure,  by  the  late  Sir  Clements 
Markham.    According  to  Sarmiento  (1907,  pp.  37  ff.),  the  people  in  imme- 


334  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

Difficult  though  it  sometimes  is  to  distinguish  between  early 
and  late  Inca  pottery  forms,  it  is,  in  the  writer's  opinion,  possible 
to  establish  a  series  of  vessels  from  Machu  Picchu26  that  will 
serve  to  throw  some  light  upon  the  development  of  the  most 
typical  form  of  Inca  (or  Cuzco)  pottery — the  aryballus.  But 
the  reader  should  take  care  to  bear  in  mind  that  the  simpler  and 
cruder  forms,  forms  probably  longer  in  use  than  the  more 
advanced  types,  undoubtedly  continued  to  be  employed  by  the 
very  late  generations  of  the  Incas'  subjects  as  cooking  utensils, 
etc.,  while  the  finer  products  of  the  potter  were  reserved  for  less 
heavy  work.  In  spite  of  this,  however,  the  fact  remains  that  the 
cruder  types,  being  very  like  the  Colla-Chulpa  pottery  both  in 
form  and  in  material,  were  probably  older  types  of  vessels  than 
the  decorated  and  graceful  forms.     The  reader  is  urged,  then, 


diately  pre-Inca  times  lived  without  governmental  organization  of  any 
sort  except  that  in  times  of  danger  a  military  officer  with  the  title  of 
Sinchi  was  chosen.  Besides  this,  in  the  opinion  of  Sir  Clements  Markham 
(1912,  pp.  159  ff.),  there  was  a  social  organization  based  upon  the  family 
at  the  head  of  which  stood  the  puric.  Several  purics  combined  together 
into  an  ayllu  or  lineage.  This  system  was  carefully  studied  by  Sir 
Clements  Markham,  and  we  have  to  thank  him  for  showing  us  what  the 
social  conditions  in  the  highlands  before  the  rise  of  the  Inca  ayllu  were. 
He  did  not,  however,  lay  stress  upon  the  historical  significance  of  all  this. 
Sarmiento  (1907,  pp.  40  ff.)  tells  us  that  just  before  the  rise  of  the 
Incas,  there  were,  in  the  valley  of  Cuzco,  six  ayllus  in  the  possession  of 
the  region.  Three  of  these,  whose  names  he  did  not  know,  were  native ; 
three  others,  the  Alcabisa,  the  Copalimayta,  and  the  Culunchima,  came 
and  settled  amicably  among  them.  Later  on,  the  Inca  also  came  from 
not  far  off  and  settled  at  Cuzco.  Strife  arose  between  them  and  the  other 
families  which  was  not  finally  subdued  for  some  time.  Like  the  heads 
of  all  the  other  ayllus,  the  chief  of  the  Incas  bore  the  title  sinchi.  Hence 
we  get  the  name  Sinchi  Rocca,  borne  by  the  first  historic  Inca. 

26  The  name  "Machu  Picchu"  is  the  one  given  to  this  site  by  Dr.  Hiram 
Bingham,  who  visited  it  for  the  first  time  in  191 1.  Although  the  name  is 
not  a  wholly  satisfactory  one,  it  has  been  thought  best  to  continue  its  use 
here  because  the  site  has  already  become  well  known  under  it,  and  because 
the  name  Vilcabamba-the-Old  (or  Vilcabamba  viejo)  is  rather  clumsy,  a 
fault  which  outweighs  its  greater  historical  accuracy.  In  any  case,  "Machu 
Picchu"  is  preferable  to  the  "Matcho  Picho,"  "Macho  Piccho"  and  so  on 
of  such  writers  as  Sartiges,  1851,  and  Wiener,  1880.  The  phrase  machu 
pichu  means  "old  ridge."  The  late  Sir  Clements  Markham  was  of  the 
opinion  that  the  cc  in  the  name  "Machu  Picchu"  was  a  mistake.  The 
name  is  pronounced  Pi-chu,  not  Pic-chu. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art. 


335 


to  turn  his  attention  to  Dr.  George  F.  Eaton's  work  on  the  osteo- 
logical  material  from  Machu  Picchu,  and  to  Dr.  Hiram  Bing- 
ham's "Types  of  Machu  Picchu  Pottery."27  In  the  first  place, 
we  are  justified  in  assuming  that  the  delicately  formed,  well 
decorated  aryballus  of  the  type  shown  in  our  Plate  XIII  was  one 
of  the  ultimate  forms  of  Cuzco  pottery  by  the  fact  that  it  is 
this  type  of  vessel  that  is  found  most  widespread,  even  in  regions 
like  Ecuador,  Chile  and  Argentina  where  Inca  influence  did  not 
arrive  until  very  late.  It  will  be  our  task  therefore  to  show 
in  a  series  the  forms  that  led  up  to  the  final  aryballus  type.  This 
we  will  now  do.  The  series  proposed  by  the  writer  is  made  up 
as  follows : 


First  Step. 

Rough,  undecorated  ware.  Ea- 
ton, Plate  XIV,  Figure  4.  Bing- 
ham, Fig.  48,  No.  7a.  Also  see 
Eaton,  Plate  IX,  Figs.  3  and  4  for 
a  variation  of  the  First  Step. 

Third  Step. 

Still  coarse  ware  with  more  pro- 
nounced neck.  Sometimes  deco- 
rated(?).  Handles  small  and 
moved  down  from  the  lip.  Eaton, 
Plate  XIV,  Fig.  5.  Bingham,  Fig. 
48.  No.  8a. 


Second  Step. 

Slightly  finer  ware,  sometimes 
decorated  in  colors,  with  enlarged 
handles  and  more  pronounced  neck. 
Eaton,  Plate  XIII,  Figs.  1  and  2. 
Bingham,  Fig.  47,  No.  6a. 

Fourth  Step. 

The  well-known  tvpe  of  Cuzco 
Aryballus.  Our  Plate  XIII.  Ea- 
ton, Plates  V,  VII,  &  X.  Bamps, 
1879.  Oyarzun,  1910.  Joyce,  1912, 
Plate  XXII,  and  p.  229. 


It  will,  perhaps,  be  well  to  say  again  that  the  particular  crude 
specimens  above  referred  to  are  not,  in  all  likelihood,  themselves 
older  than  the  more  refined  specimens.  For  example,  in  the 
same  grave  with  the  specimen  representative  of  the  first  step, 
Dr.  Eaton  found  skeletal  remains  of  the  coast  type,  which  implies 
that  the  pot  belonged  to  people  who  had  come  up  from  the  coast 
at  some  time  subsequent  to  the  Inca  conquest  of  the  littoral.28 
The  point  of  the  series  presented,  however,  does  not  dwell  in 
the  antiquity  of  the  specimens,  but  rather  in  the  relative  antiquity 
of  the  types  of  form. 

To  sum  up,  then,  our  impressions  of  the  early  Inca  culture 
we  will  say  that  the  time  in  which  the  Inca  ayllu  was  extending 
its  ascendancy  over  the  other  Quichua  tribes  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Cuzco,  the  people  of  the  Cuzco  region  were  gradually  evolv- 


"7  Eaton,  1916,  Plates  V-XIV;    Bingham,  1915b,  entire. 
"s  Eaton,  1916,  p.  45  ff . 


336  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

ing  from  the  simple  pottery-types  of  their  ancestors  a  new  kind 
of  pottery  which  was  to  find  its  fullest  florescence  under  the 
last  five  Inca  rulers.  Because  of  the  lack  of  detailed  knowledge 
of  the  early  Inca  period,  we  shall  not  touch  upon  that  culture 
again  in  this  paper. 

8.     THE  INCA  CULTURE  AT  ITS  HEIGHT. 

As  the  Inca  culture  is  the  nearest  to  us  historically  it  is  but 
natural  that  we  should  know  more  about  it  than  we  do  of  the 
rest.  It  is  even  possible  to  draw  up  a  fairly  complete  and  reliable 
history  of  the  Inca  dynasty,  especially  of  the  last  six  rulers. 
For  a  long  time  it  was  customary  to  assign  all  evidences  of  pre- 
Columbian  culture  in  Peru  to  the  Incas ;  indeed,  that  is  still  done, 
unfortunately,  by  some  writers.  They  disregard  the  growing 
evidence  which  points  more  and  more  clearly  to  the  inferiority 
in  many  respects  of  the  Incas  to  their  various  predecessors. 

The  Incas  were,  nevertheless,  wonderful  people.  They  had  a 
real  genius  for  government  and  their  state  was  the  only  truly 
socialistic  monarchy  that  has  ever  existed.  The  individual  was 
nothing;  the  state,  that  is  the  Inca  himself  and  his  blood-rela- 
tives, was  supreme  in  all  things.  It  is  not  surprising  that,  in 
a  state  like  this,  strongly  centralized,  autocratic,  theocratic  and 
all-controlling,  the  art  of  outlying  regions  should  all  tend  to 
approximate  that  of  the  capital  of  the  dominion  ruled  by  the 
Inca  from  Cuzco.  This  is,  in  the  writer's  opinion,  the  psycho- 
logical explanation  of  the  fact  that  from  Quito  to  Chile  and 
from  the  Pacific  to  the  Brazilian  wilderness,  vessels,  architecture, 
weapons,  textiles  and  language  all  conform,  with  varying  degrees 
of  closeness,  to  the  fashion  or  example  set  by  the  people  of  Cuzco. 
Typical  Cuzco  pottery  is  found  wherever  the  Inca  conquerors 
penetrated ;   Quichua  dialects  prevail  to-day  over  the  same  areas. 

As  far  as  shape  is  concerned,  the  vessels  made  by  the  sub- 
jects of  the  Incas  of  the  later  generations  are  the  most  graceful 
in  Peru.  The  aryballus,  the  beaker,  the  bowl  and  many  other 
forms,  all  very  attractive,  are  found.  Dr.  Hiram  Bingham,  whose 
trips  to  Peru  have  resulted  in  the  publication  of  many  valuable 
pictures  of  Inca  sites  and  products,  has  given  a  resume  of  the 
commoner   Inca  forms.29     Machu  Picchu,  the  site  from  which 


Bingham,  1915b. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  337 

most  of  these  objects  come,  was  thought  by  Dr.  Bingham  to  be 
Tampu  Tocco,  the  "cradle"  of  'the  Incas.  He  also  presented 
convincing  evidence  pointing  to  the  fact  that  the  city  was  Vilca- 
bamba-the-Old,  a  celebrated  sacerdotal  establishment  of  the  Incas 
in  post-conquest  times.30  It  should  be  noted  that  the  work  of 
Dr.  Eaton  has  left  very  little  doubt  as  to  the  modernity  of  this 
site  as  compared  with  that  of  Tiahuanaco  or  Chimu.  Every 
class  of  object  found  there,  every  bit  of  osteological  evidence, 
points  to  the  fact  that  Machu  Picchu  was  built  at  some  time 
after  the  Incas  had  conquered  the  coast  of  Peru  and  had  had 
time  enough  to  be  affected  by  the  influence  of  coast  art.31  Wc 
are  indebted,  therefore,  to  the  Yale  Expedition  for  the  unveiling 
of  a  city  which,  though  known  to  travelers  for  many  years,  has 
never,  until  recently,  been  photographed  and  adequately  described. 
Machu  Picchu  is  undoubtedly  the  most  valuable  site  in  the  Cuzco 
region,  for  it  presents  an  epitome  of  all  that  the  Incas  knew  of 
art,  architecture  and  engineering  at  a  time  when  they  were  at 
the  zenith  of  their  power.  We  shall,  therefore,  consider  Machu 
Picchu  pottery  to  be  representative  of  all  that  the  pottery  of 
late  Inca  Peru  was,  and  we  shall  study  it  accordingly,  assuming 
Machu  Picchu  pottery  to  be  all  that  Cuzco  pottery  was  in  the 
last  part  of  the  Inca  period. 

The  characteristics,  then,  of  Inca  pottery  as  shown  by  the 
Machu  Picchu  collections,  are :  ( 1 )  The  predominance  of  almost 
classically  graceful  shapes  such  as  aryballi,  pelikai,  dishes,  bowls 
and  so  on.  (2)  The  widespread  and  often-repeated  use  of  cer- 
tain fixed  and  definite  geometric  decorations.  (3)  The  general 
scarcity  of  anthropomorphic  decoration.  (4)  The  occasional 
association  of  perfectly  recognizable  Cuzco  shapes  and  decora- 
tions with  some  element  introduced  from  the  coast,  such  as 
modelled  anthropomorphic  handles  on  dishes  or  life-like  butter- 
flies painted  on  the  bottoms  of  shallow  bowls.  (5)  Cuzco  pottery 
is,  in  general,  lighter  in  tone  than  either  Tiahuanaco  II  or  Proto- 
Nasca.  As  has  been  said,  pottery  of  a  pure  Cuzco  type  is  found 
from  Ecuador  to  Chile.32     In  all  this  huge  area  a  surprising 

30  Bingham,  1915,  pp.  180  ff. 

31  Cf.  Bingham,  1913,  1915,  1915b,  1916;    Eaton,  1916;    Dorsey,  1901,  PI. 
XLII ;   Joyce,  1912,  p.  198;   Uhle,  1903;    Hrdlicka,  1916c. 

32  Cf.  Bamps,   1879,   Atlas;    Saville,   1907-1910;    Rivet,   1912;    Oyarzun, 
1910. 


33&  Philip  Ainsivorth  Means, 

steadfastness  to  the  original  type  is  to  be  observed ;  but,  never- 
theless, local  sub-types  do  develop  in  several  cases.  Such  a  one 
is  the  Inca  style  on  the  islands  of  Titicaca  and  Coati  in  Lake 
Titicaca.  There,  though  still  perfectly  definitely  related  to  the 
usual  Cuzco  types,  the  pottery  is  marked  by  a  tendency  to  break 
the  decorated  surface  up  into  very  small  geometric  areas  which 
are  made  prominent  by  the  contrasting  of  dark  brown  with  cream 
color.  This  is  noticeable  in  the  collections  from  Titicaca  now  in 
the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  New  York. 

As  is  usually  the  case,  the  textiles,  though  showing  affinities 
of  design  with  the  pottery,  are  richer  in  the  variety  of  their 
colors.  The  Incas'  subjects  were  as  good  weavers  as  any  in 
aboriginal  Peru.  That  their  art  was  strong  and  flourishing  at 
the  time  of  the  Spanish  conquest  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  shortly 
after  the  conquest  there  were  produced  some  of  the  finest  speci- 
mens of  Inca  tapestry  that  we  have. 

Unlike  their  predecessors,  the  people  of  Tiahuanaco  II,  the 
Incas'  subjects,  though  admirable  architects,  did  not  decorate 
their  buildings  with  any  great  amount  of  carving.  To  replace 
the  decoration  applied  to  the  walls  of  huge  stones  by  the  carv- 
ings of  Tiahuanaco  II  type,  the  subjects  of  the  Incas  evolved  a 
new  type  of  architecture.  It  takes  the  form  of  exquisite  walls 
made  of  reasonably  large  stones  laid  in  courses  of  quite  aston- 
ishing accuracy.  Often  the  lowest  course  would  be  made  of 
stones  of  say  a  foot  high  ;  the  next  course  would  be  slightly 
lower,  and  so  on  to  the  top.  The  effect  of  this  technique  was  a 
wall  of  wonderful  symmetry  and  beauty.  Such  a  wall  needed  no 
carving  to  make  it  sightly.  Dr.  Bingham  gives  an  excellent  pic- 
ture of  this  late  Inca  type  of  wall.33 

This  Inca  culture,  then,  was  the  last  of  the  long  series  of  pre- 
Columbian  Peruvian  cultures.  With  our  brief  review  of  the 
chief  features  of  those  cultures  thus  brought  to  a  conclusion,  we 
will  now  turn  to  a  detailed  analysis  of  the  Plates  which  accom- 
pany this  paper  and  which  have  been  chosen  with  a  view  to 
setting  forth  the  more  prominent  characteristics  of  the  principal 
culture-types. 

33  Bingham,  1913,  p.  488. 


III.     ANALYSES  OF  THE  ARTS  OR  CULTURES. 

i.    A  CRITICAL  ANALYSIS  OF  PROTO-CHIMU  AND 
PROTO-NASCA  ART. 

Aside  from  examining  the  Plates  that  accompany  this  paper, 
the  reader  is  urged  to  examine  those  that  are  to  be  found  in  the 
works  referred  to  in  the  footnote.1  It  is  hoped,  however,  that 
the  examples  of  the  two  very  early  types  of  art  herewith  pre- 
sented will  prove  sufficient  material  for  those  who  cannot  seek 
further  for  it. 

Plate  I  shows  five  specimens  of  Proto-Chimu  art,  all  to  be 
found  in  the  Peabody  Museum  at  Cambridge,  Mass.  -It  will 
readily  be  observed  that  two  characteristics  hold  true  for  all  the 
specimens  given ;  these  are :  light  coloration,  and  grace  of  line. 
In  Figures  1-4,  the  chief  source  of  admiration  on  the  student's 
part  is  the  wonderfully  life-like  modelling.  Figures  1  and  2  are 
especially  remarkable  in  this  respect.  In  Figure  1  we  see  a  man 
attacking  a  deer  with  a  massive  club.  His  small  dog  looks  on. 
With  the  exception  of  the  deer's  body  and  the  man's  feet  the 
modelling  is  far  better  than  that  in  some  of  the  early  Egyptian 
and  Cretan  figures.  The  man's  clothes  seem  to  consist  of  a 
loose-fitting  shirt  with  sleeves  and  of  a  hat  or  helmet  adorned 
with  two  rosette-like  protuberances  and  a  sort  of  frontal  ridge. 
From  the  helmet  proper  a  strip  of  cloth  runs  down  to  and  under 
the  man's  chin.  The  nose  of  the  man  is  large  and  somewhat  of 
the  Semitic  type.  The  chin  is  somewhat  receding.  The  dog 
on  this  vase  is  probably  one  of  those  which  the  early  people  kept 
for  use  in  the  chase.2  On  the  body  of  the  vase  is  to  be  seen 
a  composition  that  is  very  typical  of  Proto-Chimu  art.  It  is 
painted  in  dark  brown  on  the  white  slip  of  the  vase  and,  like  the 
modelled  group  above,  represents  a  hunting  scene.  It  should 
be  noted  that  the  costumes  of  the  figures  in  the  painted  part  of 
the  decoration  differ  considerably  from  that  of  the  modelled  man. 

1  Cf.  Uhle,  1908.  1910,  1912,  1913,  1913b,  1914 ;  cf.  Reiss  und  Stubel,  1880-87  ; 
Baessler,  1902-03 ;  Putnam,  1914 ;  Theresa  von  Bayern,  1907 ;  Joyce,  1912, 
1913b;  Beuchat,  1912 ;  Mead,  1915;  Squier,  1877;  Berthon,  1911  ;  Rivero 
and  von  Tschudi,  185 1  ;   and  many  other  works. 

2  Cf.  Joyce,  1912,  p.  125. 


34°  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

The  former,  for  example,  have  the  black  "stockings"  that  are 
so  frequently  seen  in  Proto-Chimu  vase-paintings;  also,  the 
painted  men  have  a  very  different  headdress  from  the  modelled 
man.  But  most  important  of  all  is  the  fact  that  the  painted  men 
appear  to  be  either  wearing  masks  or  else  to  be  adorned  with 
face-paint.  Indeed,  if  the  latter  is  the  case,  the  "stockings," 
"knee-caps"  and  "sleeves"  must  be  assumed  to  be  nothing  less 
than  body-painting.  From  all  of  these  elements  of  decoration 
the  modelled  man  is  entirely  free.  Figure  2  is  another  type  of 
modelled  vase  from  the  Proto-Chimu  period.  It  shows  a  per- 
sonage, apparently  masked  to  represent  a  fox  or  some  such  ani- 
mal, sitting  facing  a  semicircle  of  five  foxes.  The  personage's 
headdress,  though  different  from  that  in  Figure  1,  is,  neverthe- 
less of  the  same  general  type.  The  striking  features  about  this 
figure  are  the  headdress  and  the  fangs,  to  both  of  which  we  shall 
refer  later.  Again,  the  back  of  the  middle  fox  is  adorned  with 
a  design  which  Posnansky  calls  signo  escalonado — stairsign.3  To 
this  also,  we  shall  refer,  in  another  connection.  Around  the  base 
of  the  vessel,  in  the  region  analogous  to  that  occupied  by  the 
painted  hunting-scene  in  Figure  1,  we  see  a  landscape.  The  trees 
and  plants  are  shown  by  means  of  shallow  lines  engraved,  appar- 
ently with  a  blunt  stick  while  the  clay  was  still  moist,  in  the 
reddish  slip  of  the  vessel.  This  landscape  is  full  of  charm 
because  of  its  quaint  realism.  It  is  even  possible  to  attempt  to 
identify  the  tree  as  an  algaroba  and  the  smaller  plants  as  cactus. 
This  sort  of  vessel  sometimes  leads  students  into  attempting  an 
"interpretation"  of  the  scene.  While  the  modelled  portion  of 
the  vessel  undoubtedly  represents  some  sort  of  ceremony 
employed  by  the  people  of  that  period,  it  is,  nevertheless,  danger- 
ous to  reconstruct,  let  us  say,  a  totemic  clan  organization,  from 
such  evidence  as  this. 

As  the  vases  shown  in  Figures  1  and  2  represent  a  very  large 
and  important  sub-type  of  the  Proto-Chimu  pottery,  it  will  be 
well  to  summarize  briefly  our  impressions  of  them  before  going 
on  to  an  examination  of  the  other  sub-types. 

We  see  that  the  vessels  of  this  sub-type  comprise  two  separate 
areas  of  decoration,  each  marked  by  a  distinct  technique.  In 
both  the  painted  (or  engraved)   area  and  the  modelled  area  of 

3  Posnansky,  1913. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  341 

the  two  vessels  we  observe  the  following  features  :  ( 1 )  A  marked 
tendency  toward  realism  of  representation;  (2)  A  decided  lack 
of  rich  and  varied  coloration  (dark  brown,  red  and  cream  color 
being  the  tints  found)  ;  (3)  A  gracefulness  of  line  which  is 
not  constricted  by  any  sort  of  conventionalization;  (4)  The  use, 
by  several  of  the  human  figures,  of  masks  or  face-painting,  of 
fangs  and  of  an  easily  recognizable  type  of  headdress.  If  the 
reader  will  examine  the  Plates  in  some  of  the  works  already 
referred  to  he  will  see  further  examples  of  these  characteristics, 
as  well  as  some  others  that  occur  in  Proto-Chimu  pottery  of  this 
sub-type.  For  example,  look  at  the  scenes  from  vessels  shown 
by  Mr.  Joyce.4  These  show  new  forms  of  the  headdress,  the  use 
of  face-painting  and  of  masks,  the  presence  of  fangs,  and  also 
a  curious  use  of  girdles  ending  in  aerpent  heads.  The  black 
"stockings"  also  are  found  in  these  figures,  as  well  as  in  Figure 
1  of  our  Plate  I.  Also,  the  use  of  peculiar  fluted  wings  is  rather 
often  met  with.5 

So  much,  then,  for  the  modelled  and  painted  sub-type  of  Proto- 
Chimu  vases.  There  are  still  several  other  types  for  us  to  con- 
sider. Look,  for  example,  at  Plate  I,  Figure  3.  This  specimen, 
the  original  of  which  is  in  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge, 
comes  from  Chimu  (Trujillo)  and  shows,  in  addition  to  the 
typically  Proto-Chimu  fangs,  a  further  development  of  the  head- 
dress. The  latter  seems  to  be  composed  of  the  stiff  ridge  or 
core  found  in  the  headdresses  of  Figures  1  and  2  with  the  addi- 
tion of  ornaments  that  may  be  intended  for  feathers.  These 
feathers  are  important,  and  they  will  be  referred  to  in  connection 
with  our  analysis  of  Proto-Nasca  art  and  of  the  Chavin  Stone. 

Plate  I,  Figure  4,  shows  an  example  of  a  type  of  vessel  that 
has  always  excited  admiration  in  students  of  ceramics.6  It  is 
called  the  "Portrait  type."  Possibly  this  particular  example  is 
not  really  Proto-Chimu,  but  similar  "portraits"  have  been  found 
that  have  painted  on  them  unmistakable  Proto-Chimu  decorations. 


4  Joyce,  1912,  pp.  126,  127. 

5  See  Joyce,  1912,  p.  155,  for  an  admirable  specimen  of  Proto-Chimu 
vase-painting  with  fluted  wings,  serpent-tail  and  fanged  masks.  Also 
examine  plates  in  Reiss  and  Stubel,  1880-87,  and  in  Baessler,  1902-03. 

8  See,  for  example,  Jacquemart,  1873,  pp.  190  ff . ;  and  Young,  1879,  pp. 
404  ff. ;    Squier,  1877,  pp.  180  ff. 


342  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

As  the  specimen  here  shown  has  a  headdress  that  has  several 
points  in  common  with  that  of  the  chief  figure  in  Figure  i,  it  is 
assumed  for  the  nonce  that  this  "portrait"  is  Proto-Chimu.  No 
one  who  has  studied  a  series  of  these  human-faced  vessels  and 
has  noticed  the  wide  differences  and  unfailing  individualization 
that  characterize  each  one  of  them  can  fail  to  lean  toward  the 
belief  that  this  type  of  vase  is  indeed  a  "portrait  type."  There 
is  absolutely  nothing  of  inherent  impossibility  about  the  idea  that 
a  people  so  highly  gifted  with  plastic  skill  as  the  Proto-Chimu 
people  may  have  developed  the  habit  of  employing  their  vessels 
as  a  medium  whereby  to  perpetuate  the  likenesses  of  their  great 
men.  In  any  case,  empirical  evidence  leads  us  to  believe  that 
some  such  habit  did  prevail,  for  every  good  specimen  of  the 
"portrait  type"  portrays  an  individual,  not  a  type.  And  it  should 
be  noted  that  realistic  portrait-making  is  in  entire  accord  with  the 
marked  realistic  tendencies  of  the  Proto-Chimu  culture  pottery. 
Nor  are    "portrait  types"    lacking  in  other  parts  of  America.7 

Last  of  all,  in  the  matter  of  Proto-Chimu  sub-types,  comes 
that  variety  which  is  represented  by  Plate  I,  Figure  5.  In  this 
division  come  almost  innumerable  stylistic  decorations  which, 
though  they  may  show  slight  conventionalization,  never  show 
geometrical  tendencies  to  the  exclusion  of  all  curves.  The  pres- 
ent specimen,  in  the  writer's  opinion,  is  intended  to  represent  a 
starfish. s  In  this  type  also  occur  many  variations  of  the  "stair- 
sign"  (signo  escalonado)  often  in  conjunction  with  the  starfish 
(or  octopus)  motif. 

Passing  over  for  the  present  the  numerous  forms  of  pottery 
which  may  some  day  be  definitely  assigned  to  this  period  (a 
passing-over  process  which  will  have  to  be  repeated  many  times 
in  the  present  state  of  our  information),  we  will  endeavor  to 
draw  up  a  tentative  classification  of  the  Proto-Chimu  sub-types. 

Sub-type      I     Landscapes.     Vessels  having  modelled  scenes  as 

well  as  painted  or  engraved  ones.  Usual 
colors :  white  or  cream  slip,  dark  brown  and 
red. 

7  Spinden  (1916b)  claims  them  for  Central  America,  and  Holmes 
(1916b)  shows  an  excellent  example  of  aboriginal  portraiture  from 
Quirigua. 

s  It  is  the  opinion  of  Prof.  MacCurdy  that  the  design  here  mentioned  is 
derived  from  the  octopus,  not  from  the  starfish.  This,  of  course,  may 
well  be  the  case. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  343 

Sub-type     II     Portraits.     The  faces  of  the  portraits  often  have 

features  in  common  with  Sub-type  I  and  Sub- 
type III,  (such  as  headdress,  formal  inci- 
dental decoration  motifs,  etc.). 

Sub-type  III     Partly  conventionalized  decorations.     Even  these, 

however,  are  seldom  rectilinear  entirely. 
Cream  and  red  are  the  more  usual  colors. 

Sub-type  IV     Numerous   miscellaneous   types   not  yet  decided 

upon. 

Having  completed  our  study  of  the  distinguishing  elements  of 
Proto-Chimu  art,  we  will  now  examine  into  the  traits  of  Proto- 
Nasca  art. 

We  have  seen  that  realism,  grace  of  line  and  light  coloring 
were  three  of  the  chief  characteristics  of  Proto-Chimu  art.  We 
find  in  Proto-Nasca  art  an  almost  complete  reversal  of  these  fea- 
tures. There  is,  to  be  sure,  an  apparent  attempt  at  realism  in 
some  of  the  Proto-Nasca  sub-types,  but  it  is  an  unsuccessful 
one  in  most  cases.  Look,  for  instance,  at  Plate  II,  Figure  2,  and 
at  Plate  II,  Figure  1.  In  both  of  these  we  have  a  survival  of 
the  wonderful  modelling  that  marks  out  Proto-Chimu  art  from 
all  the  rest.  Both  of  these  specimens  preserve  a  certain  degree 
of  realism.  The  former,  to  note  the  most  prominent  feature  in 
each  case,  holds  in  his  left  hand  a  spear-thrower  almost  identical 
with  those  found  in  Peru  by  Dr.  Uhle.9  It  would  be  hard  to 
find  a  better  representation  of  an  object  than  this  one.  Then, 
too,  the  hands  on  the  other  specimen  mentioned  are  absolutely 
realistic.  Their  realism  consists  above  all  in  this :  That  they 
are  shown  in  the  natural  closed  position  and  the  finger-nails  of 
the  fingers  are  not  shown.  These  two  specimens,  therefore,  both 
with  five-digit  hands  and  fairly  well-modelled  heads,  may  be  said 
to  represent  a  survival  of  the  Proto-Chimu  art-tradition  in  the 
Proto-Nasca  type  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  constitute  the  nearest 
approach  of  Proto-Nasca  art  to  realism. 

Wares  of  this  type  were  not,  however,  the  most  character- 
istic expression  of  Proto-Nasca  art.  Far  more  common  and  far 
more  typical  were  such  productions  as  those  that  appear  on  Plate 
II,  Figures  3-6,  and  Plates  III  and  IV.  Excellent  examples  of 
Proto-Nasca  plastic  art  are  given  by  numerous  writers,  to  whose 

9  Uhle,  1909. 


344  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

work  the  reader  is  urged  to  refer.10  By  study  of  the  Plates  that 
accompany  this  article  and  those  that  go  with  the  works  here 
referred  to,  it  will  be  seen  that  in  the  matter  of  form  the  Proto- 
Nasca  pottery  was  not  so  diverse  as  the  Proto-Chimu.  A  tenta- 
tive division  into  sub-types  will,  as  in  the  case  of  Proto-Chimu, 
be  offered  for  the  Proto-Nasca  art.  At  present  we  will  limit 
ourselves  to  a  consideration  of  the  decoration. 

Color  is  indubitably  the  "strong  point"  of  Proto-Nasca  art. 
For  example,  Plate  II,  Figures  3,  4  and  6  are  all  of  remarkably 
rich  tonality.  Red,  brown,  gray,  yellow  and  black,  as  well  as 
cream-color,  are  the  tints  most  frequently  met  with.  The  finish 
of  some  of  the  Proto-Nasca  pots  is  so  lustrous  as  almost  to 
suggest  a  glaze.  As  for  the  subject-matter  of  Proto-Nasca  art, 
it  cannot  be  so  easily  described  as  that  of  Proto-Chimu,  although 
the  two  have  much  in  common  in  that  respect.  Proto-Nasca  vase- 
paintings  mostly  concern  themselves  with  the  portrayal  of  a  few 
personages  who,  being  few  in  number,  occur  again  and  again 
in  the  vase  paintings.  These  paintings  were  no  doubt  supposed 
to  represent  deities  or  mythical  persons ;  at  all  events,  there  is 
absolutely  nothing  realistic  about  them ;  they  are  merely  elaborate 
and  formal  portrayals  of  putative  objects  of  veneration.  The 
chief  personages  of  Proto-Nasca  art  seem  to  be  two  in  number. 
Each  occurs  in  several  variations.  We  will  describe  them  in  turn, 
applying  arbitrary  names  for  the  sake  of  ease  of  identification. 

The  "Centipede  God."  See  Plate  II,  Figures  3  and  4,  Plate 
III,  Figures  1  and  2,  and  Plate  IV,  Figure  2.  The  name  chosen 
is  suggested  by  the  fact  that  this  'god'  is  usually  shown  as 
having  a  long  body  at  right  angles  to  his  face  and  fringed  with 
spike-like  objects  that  are  evidently  conventionalized  legs.  Some- 
times he  has  a  series  of  subsidiary  human  faces  where  the  legs 
ought  to  be;  sometimes  both  legs  and  faces  occur  (as  in  Plate 
III,  Figure  2).  Again,  the  "Centipede  God"  is  shown  as  a  man, 
strongly  conventionalized  to  be  sure,  who  has  centipede  attributes 
such  as  the  girdle  shown  in  Plate  II,  Figure  4.  It  is  very  inter- 
esting to  note  certain  well  nigh  invariable  features  that  mark 
the  portrayal  of  the    "Centipede  God,"    whether  that    'god'    is 


10  Joyce,  1912,  Plate  I,  Joyce,  1913b;  Therese  von  Bayern,  1907;  Reiss 
u.  Stiibel;  Baessler,,  1902-03;  Berthon,  1911,  Plates  I-VI ;  Uhle,  1913b, 
p.  358  ff. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  345 

the  chief  portion  of  the  design  or  merely  a  comparatively  insig- 
nificant adjunct  to  the  design.  These  features  are:  (1)  The  use 
of  a  very  distinctive  mouth-mask;  (2)  The  predominance  of 
hands  with  less  than  the  true  number  of  digits,  usually  with  four 
digits;  (3)  The  frequency  with  which  the  tongue  is  shown 
sticking  out  of  the  mouth ;  (4)  The  almost  invariable  presence  of 
a  broad  flat  headdress  in  the  form  of  a  rather  highly  conven- 
tionalized human  face;  (5)  The  frequent  appearance  of  cere- 
monial staffs  held  in  the  hands.  We  will  say  a  few  words  about 
each  of  these  features  in  turn. 

(1)  The  Mouth  Mask.  Plate  II,  Figure  3,  and  Plate  III,  Fig- 
ures 1  and  3,  show  very  typical  forms  of  this  element.  In  Plate 
III,  Figure  1,  it  is  seen  to  consist  of  a  central  portion  with  mouth- 
and  nostril-holes  and  of  two  wing-like  portions,  one  on  each 
side  of  the  mouth.  These  wings  are  marked  by  lines  of  a  con- 
ventional nature  that  may  be  a  survival  of  the  curling-feather- 
like rays  that  distinguish  the  mouth-mask  of  Figure  3.  These 
rays  are  perhaps  related  to  certain  elements  of  decoration  that 
occur  in  later  arts,  as  well  as  in  other  sub-types  of  Proto-Nasca 
art. 

(2)  Four-digit  Hands.  Plate  II,  Figure  3 ;  Plates  III,  Fig- 
ures 2  and  3,  and  IV,  Figure  2,  all  show  typical  examples  of  the 
four-digit  hands  that  so  often  accompany,  as  in  all  these 
instances,  one  or  more  of  the  several  criteria  that  mark  this 
"Centipede  God"  motif.  The  development  from  natural  five- 
digit  hands  to  these  very  artificial  conventionalized  four-digit 
hands  is  a  matter  of  great  importance,  as  will  be  shown  in  con- 
nection with  Tiahuanaco  II  art. 

(3)  The  Protruding  Tongue.  The  Plates  already  mentioned 
show  this  feature.  In  the  pottery  with  the  "Centipede  God" 
motif  the  protruding  tongue  is  not  nearly  so  widely  developed 
as  it  is  in  some  other  cases,  especially  in  that  of  the  textiles. 
But  even  in  the  "Centipede  God"  figure  on  Plate  III,  Figure  2, 
the  tongue  shows  the  beginnings  of  decoration  on  its  upper  sur- 
face. The  element  of  tongue-decoration  becomes  very  prominent 
in  other  types  of  Proto-Nasca  pottery. 

(4)  The  Broad  Flat  Headdress.  Plate  III,  Figure  1,  shows 
a  standard  form  of  the  "Centipede  God's"  headdress.  The  brim 
almost  always  consists  of  at  least  two  layers  separated  by  a  line. 
In  the  center,  over  the  eyes  of  the    'god,'    is  a  conventionalized 


346  Philip.  Ainsworth  Means, 

human  face.  Typical  forms  of  this  headdress  are  shown  on 
Plate  II,  Figure  3,  on  Plates  III  and  IV. 

(5)  The  Ceremonial  Staffs.  The  Plates  already  mentioned 
show  good  examples  of  the  staffs.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  in  vase- 
paintings  where  the  mouth-mask,  headdress  and  hands  preserve 
the  greatest  amount  of  naturalism  the  staff  most  closely  approxi- 
mates the  spear-thrower  shown  in  Plate  II,  Figure  2,  though  at 
no  time  is  the  resemblance  very  strong.  In  the  more  conven- 
tionalized designs,  however,  the  staffs  (here  usually  two  in  num- 
ber and  so  arranged  as  to  be  bilaterally  symmetrical)  are 
themselves  so  conventionalized  as  to  be  scarcely  definable  in 
regard  to  their  use. 

Bearing  in  mind  the  well-known  principles  that  apply  to  dec- 
orative arts,  the  principles  of  elimination  and  simplification  which 
will  be  spoken  of  later,  the  writer  ventures  to  suggest  that  of 
the  two  groups  of  pottery  that  we  have  been  studying,  that  exem- 
plified by  Plate  II,  Figures  1,  2  and  3,  is  the  older,  and  that 
the  "Centipede  Gods"  on  Plates  II,  III  and  IV  were  a  later 
style.  So  much,  then,  for  the  modelled  ware  and  for  the  "Centi- 
pede God"   motif. 

We  will  now  examine  another  motif  which  may  be  called,  for 
the  sake  of  convenience,  the  "Multiple-headed  God."  Our  Plate 
II,  Figure  5,  shows  an  excellent  specimen  of  this  motif.  Another 
is  shown  by  Joyce  (1912,  Plate  I).  In  this  motif  the  heads  of 
the  personage  consist  of  hardly  more  than  eyes  and  mouth  and 
tongue.  In  some  cases,  the  body  of  the  'god'  has  a  chief  head 
in  approximately  the  correct  position.  Then,  running  out  from 
the  shoulders,  are  a  lot  of  subsidiary  heads  attached  to  the  body 
by  their  run-out  tongues.  The  subsidiary  heads  are  decorated 
by  feather-like  rays  reminiscent  of  the  decorations  on  the  mouth 
mask  seen  on  Plate  III,  Figure  3.  Sometimes,  as  in  Joyce's 
Plate  I,  the  chief  head  has  a  headdress  of  the  type  associated  with 
the  "Centipede  God."  Also,  the  "Multiple-headed  God"  and 
the  "Centipede  God"  have  other  points  in  common,  notably: 
(1)  The  occasional  presence  of  a  centipede-like  girdle  with  the 
tongue  sticking  out  (see  Joyce,  1912,  Plate  I)  ;  (2)  The  pres- 
ence of  four-digit  hands  (though  five-digit  hands  sometimes 
appear  in  both)  ;  (3)  The  presence  of  the  minor  decoration, 
seen  in  our  Plate  II,  Figure  3,  and  in  Joyce's  Plate  I,  made  up 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  347 

of  two  thick  rings  with  a  tassel  or  tassels  hanging  from  them : 
(4)  The  beginnings  of  a  marked  tendency  toward  bilateral  sym- 
metry, both  of  line  and  of  color:  (5)  The  continuance  in  the 
"Multiple-headed  God"  motif  of  the  rich  coloration  found  in  the 
"Centipede  God"  motif.  (Joyce's  Plate  I  shows  the  presence 
of  buff,  blue,  yellow,  purplish-red,  pink,  white  and  black.)  The 
mouth-mask  and  ceremonial  staff  usually  do  not  appear  in  the 
"Multiple-headed  God"    motif  designs. 

The  "Centipede  God"  and  the  "Multiple-headed  God"  appear 
to  be  the  chief  personages  of  Proto-Nasca  vase-painting.  They 
do  not,  however,  by  any  means  include  all  the  forms  that  go 
to  make  up  this  complex  art.  Space  permits  us  to  mention  only 
one  other  constantly  recurring  feature.  This  is  the  human  face 
which  is  to  be  seen  in  our  Plate  IV,  Figure  2,  and  in  Joyce's 
Plate  I,  at  the  base  of  the  vessels.  When  this  face  appears 
thus,  painted,  not  modelled,  it  strongly  suggests  the  modelled 
faces  that  appear  in  Plate  II,  Figure  1.  The  manner  in  which 
the  eyes  are  shown,  the  hair-dressing,  the  nose  and  the  mouth 
are  all  strikingly  alike  in  both  the  modelled  and  the  painted 
versions  of  the  motif.  At  the  same  time,  it  should  be  noticed 
that  very  often  lines  suggestive  of  tears  run  down  a  short  dis- 
tance from  the  eyes  of  the  painted  forms,  but  not  from  those 
of  the  modelled  ones. 

What  has  been  said  of  Proto-Nasca  art  is,  of  course,  very 
far  from  beginning  to  be  an  exhaustive  study  of  that  subject. 
It  is,  however,  enough  to  give  a  fair  idea  of  the  chief  features 
of  that  culture.  It  is  but  right  to  say,  nevertheless,  that  aside 
from  the  vases  bearing  decorations  more  or  less  anthropomor- 
phic or  zoomorphic,  whether  modelled  and  painted  or  merely 
painted,  there  is  another  class  of  Proto-Nasca  vessels  which, 
though  having  the  rich  coloration  and  the  same  general  technique 
of  the  other  classes,  is  merely  decorated  with  such  patterns  as 
dots,  lines  and  so  on  like  those  which  appear  in  some  of  Ber- 
thon's  Plates  (1911). 

We  will  now  attempt  to  draw  up  a  classification  of  the  sub- 
types of  Proto-Nasca  pottery.  Then  we  will  take  up  the  ques- 
tion of  Proto-Nasca  textiles. 

Although  all  Proto-Nasca  pottery  may  be  said  to  be  distin- 
guished by  a  subordination  of  form  to  color  and  of  realism  to 

Trans.  Conn.  Acad.,  Vol.  XXI  24  1917 


348  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

complexity,  it  is  not  enough  for  us  to  content  ourselves  with 
this  general  sort  of  statement.  We  must  look  further  with  a 
view  to  establishing  various  sub-types  of  Proto-Nasca  art,  for 
it  must  necessarily  be  assumed  that  the  people  who  produced  the 
art  flourished  for  at  least  two  or  three  centuries  and  that  they 
developed  in  that  time  a  number  of  modifications  which  appear 
in  their  productions.  Before  we  do  this,  however,  we  must 
definitely  assure  ourselves  as  to  whether  we  have  been  correct  in 
assuming  that  Proto-Nasca  art  was  indeed  related  to  or  descended 
from  Proto-Chimu  art.  For  the  present  we  shall  content  our- 
selves with  examining  into  the  relationship  of  the  two  without 
attempting  to  prove  the  descent  of  one  from  the  other.  The 
Plates  in  this  article,  those  in  Joyce's  article  on  the  Clan-Ancestor 
(Joyce,  1913b),  those  in  Berthon  (1911),  and  in  the  articles  by 
H.  R.  H.  Prinzessin  Therese  von  Bayern  (1907),  and  Uhle 
(1914),  afford  ample  material  for  a  comparison.  An  exami- 
nation of  the  two  arts  brings  out  the  following  points  of  con- 
tact :  ( 1 )  The  use  of  eye-painting  and  masking ;  (2)  The  presence 
of  feather-like  ornaments;  (3)  The  use,  in  connection  with  the 
costume,  of  various  appendages  and  adornments  derived  from 
or  suggested  by  animals  or  parts  of  animals  (i.  e.  such  ele- 
ments as  the  centipede  girdles)  ;  (4)  The  gradual  transition  from 
realistic,  modelled,  five-fingered  Proto-Chimu  art  to  partly  real- 
istic, modelled  five-fingered  or  four-fingered  Proto-Nasca  art, 
together  with  the  apparently  contemporaneous  rise  of  non-mod- 
elled, constantly  more  conventionalized  forms  of  vase-painting. 

From  the  foregoing  it  will  be  seen  that  a  very  real  underlying 
similarity  of  subject-matter  binds  Proto-Chimu  art  to  Proto- 
Nasca. 

Reserving  for  another  place  the  critical  consideration  as  to 
the  descent  of  Proto-Nasca  art,  we  will  now  present  a  tentative 
classification  into  sub-types  on  a  combined  basis  of  form  and 
decoration.11 


11  The  author  wishes  to  call  attention  to  the  very  able  study  of  Nasca 
pottery  by  Edward  K.  Putnam  (1914),  and  to  say  that  he  departs  from 
the  classification  of  Proto-Nasca  pottery  offered  by  Mr.  Putnam  only 
because  it  is  too  detailed  for  his  present  purposes  and  because  it  does  not 
emphasize  the  points  he  wishes  to  bring  out. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  349 

CLASSES  REMARKS 

I  Modelled  and  painted  ware  .  The  class  most  like  Proto-Chimu. 

a  Semi-realistic That  is,  having  fair  modelling  in 

combination    with    five-digit 
hands, 
b  Non-realistic That    is,    poor    modelling    com- 
bined with  four-digit  hands. 
II  Painted  ware— not  modelled  The    predominant    Proto-Nasca 

type. 
a  "Centipede  God" 

Motif Perhaps  derived  in  part  from  the 

Proto-Chimu  habit  of  masking, 
b  "Multiple-headed 

God"  Motif Linked  to    "Centipede  God"    in 

several  ways  (see  above)  and  to 
Proto-Chimu  by  use  of  feather- 
like ornaments. 
c  Painted  human 

face  motif    Found  usually  on  the  same  ves- 
sels as  the  two  foregoing  types, 
it  is,  at  the  same  time,  strongly 
like  Class  I,  a,  and  Class  I,  b. 
d  Miscellaneous  .....  Forms  made  up  of  all  sorts  of 

elements     borrowed     from     the 
foregoing  types. 

Having  reviewed  the  distinguishing  marks  of  Proto-Nasca  art 
as  represented  by  the  pottery,  we  have  now  arrived  at  the  impor- 
tant question  of  Proto-Nasca  textiles.  It  has  been  said  by  good 
authorities  that  there  were  no  textiles  dating  from  a  time  prior 
to  the  rise  of  the  culture  of  Tiahuanaco  II.12 

It  is,  however,  the  opinion  of  the  present  writer  that  this 
belief  is  a  mistaken  one.  It  will,  no  doubt,  be  granted  by  any- 
one that  if  Proto-Nasca  textiles  do  survive  to  the  present  day, 
they  will  have  the  same  or  similar  designs  upon  them  as  do  the 
pottery  remains.  We  shall  endeavor  to  show  that  such  designs 
do  survive  in  textiles.  Before  doing  so,  however,  it  will  be  well 
to  remind  the  reader  that  there  is  no  class  of  textiles  that  can 
safely  be  assigned  to  the  Proto-Chimu  culture. 

The  reader's  attention  is  called  to  Plate  IV,  Figures  1  and  3. 
The  first  shows  a  woven  cloth  from  lea  now  in  the  Museum  of 

12  Joyce,  1912,  p.  200;    Beuchat,  1912,  p.  574. 


35°  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

Fine  Arts,  Boston.  The  second  shows  a  border  from  an  lea 
shawl  in  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  New  York. 
We  will  begin  with  an  examination  of  Plate  IV,  Figure  3.  In 
it  we  discover  a  number  of  striking  analogies  with  Proto-Nasca 
pottery  designs.  Like  the  vase-paintings  of  the  "Centipede- 
God"  type,  this  design  has  :  ( I )  A  mouth-mask  which  combines 
wing-like  side  ornaments  of  the  same  type  as  those  on  Plate  III, 
Figures  I  and  3,  with  a  pair  of  feather-like  ornaments  reminis- 
cent of  those  in  Plate  III,  Figure  3.  (2)  The  hands  of  the  figure 
(as  far  as  one  can  tell)  and  its  feet  have  less  than  the  true 
number  of  fingers  and  toes.  (3)  The  tongue  is  run  far  out 
and  is  highly  decorated,  a  tendency  already  shown  in  the  pottery. 
(4)  The  headdress  is  broad  and  flat;  it  has  a  brim  made  up  of 
two  layers  and  there  is  a  conventionalized  human  face  in  the 
center.  Compare  it  with  the  headdresses  on  Plate  II,  Figure  3 ; 
on  Plate  III,  Figure  1,  and  on  many  other  Proto-Nasca  vase- 
paintings  of  the  "Centipede  God"  type.  Also  remark  that  in 
this  textile  design,  as  in  some  examples  of  the  "Centipede  God" 
pots,  the  centipede  element  is  preserved  by  the  girdle-like  append- 
age. The  tongue  of  the  figure  likewise  reminds  one  of  the  centi- 
pede motif.  In  other  words,  of  the  five  criteria  that  we  found 
to  be  distinctive  of  the  very  important  "Centipede  God"  motif 
Proto-Nasca  vessels,  four  are  present  in  the  textile  design  which 
we  have  been  studying.  Does  not  this  suggest  that  the  textile 
and  the  vase-paintings  in  question  have  a  common  source  which 
accounts  for  their  similarities  in  subject-matter?  Again,  Plates 
V  and  VI  seem  to  have  several  points  in  common  with  Proto- 
Nasca  pottery,  although,  on  account  of  the  comparative  complex- 
ity of  their  embroidered  designs,  it  is  hard  to  know  whether  to 
compare  the  personages  they  portray  with  "Centipede  God"  or 
with  the  "Multiple-headed  God."  For  this  reason,  therefore, 
it  will  be  best  for  us  to  content  ourselves  with  comparing  these 
textile  designs  with  Proto-Nasca  vase-paintings  in  general.  The 
following  features,  then,  may  be  observed  in  both  the  textiles 
in  question  and  in  various  specimens  of  Proto-Nasca  pottery: 
(1)  The  mouth-mask  with  wing-like  side  ornaments;  (2)  The 
protruding  tongue,  highly  decorated  and  endowed  with  centi- 
pede-like attributes  ;  (3)  The  broad  flat  headdress  decorated  with 
a  conventionalized  human  face;  (4)  The  color-scheme  is  very 
suggestive  of  Proto-Nasca  pottery. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  351 

The  foregoing  remarks  are  meant  to  convey  the  impression 
that  Proto-Nasca  designs  do  occur  on  both  pottery  and  embroid- 
ered textiles.  Since  this  is  so,  the  writer  finds  it  impossible  to 
imagine  how  anyone  can  assume,  as  some  have  done,  that  they 
were  not  made  by  the  same  people.  Differences  between  the  tex- 
tile designs  and  the  pottery  designs  do  exist,  of  course,  but  in  the 
writer's  opinion,  they  may  all  be  explained  by  the  difference  in 
medium,  the  technique  of  pottery  decoration  not  unnaturally 
causing  results  divergent  from  those  produced  by  textile 
embroidery. 

Without  pausing  at  present  to  discuss  the  transition  from 
Proto-Nasca  art  to  Tiahuanaco  II  art,  we  will  now  turn  our 
attention  to  the  region  of  Lake  Titicaca  and  study  the  early 
cultures  in  that  area. 

2.    A  CRITICAL  ANALYSIS  OF  TIAHUANACO  II  ART. 

Hitherto  in  our  study  we  have  had  to  deal  mainly  with  pottery 
and  textiles.  In  the  case  of  Tiahuanaco  II  art  stone  adds  itself 
to  the  other  two  as  an  important  art-medium.  If  it  were  our 
purpose  to  follow  Tiahuanaco  II  art  in  all  its  ramifications,  we 
should  have  to  consider  the  bronze  work  of  northern  Argentina 
as  well.  The  chief  media,  then,  for  the  art  of  the  exceedingly 
important  period  we  are  about  to  study  are:  in  the  highlands, 
stone  and  pottery ;   in  the  coast-regions,  pottery  and  textiles. 

We  will  first  examine  the  Tiahuanaco  II  art  with  a  view  to 
setting  forth  its  content  and  characteristics.  The  reader  is  urged 
to  turn  to  Plate  VII  which  shows  the  chief  figure  of  the  great 
monolithic  gateway  at  Tiahuanaco.  The  Plates  in  Posnansky's 
work  on  this  site  should  likewise  be  consulted.13  For  want  of  a 
better  term  we  have  referred  to  this  figure  as  the  "Weeping- 
God."  Variations  of  it  occur  over  a  huge  area,  and  in  stone, 
pottery,  textiles  and  bronze.  Sometimes  the  "tears"  are  lack- 
ing, but  there  is  always  some  other  feature  to  identify  the  several 
variations.  We  will  now  minutely  examine  the  Weeping  God 
on  the  great  monolithic  gateway.  He  is  a  short  stocky  personage 
with  a  large  head  which  is  almost  square.  Around  the  head  is 
a  sort  of  frame;  the  inner  band  of  the  frame  is  adorned  with  a 
series   of   the    _Jj~   sign   which   we    shall   find   often   later   on. 


Posnansky,  1914,  Plates  LXV-LXXXIV. 


35 2  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

Standing  out  from  the  inner  band  are  twenty-four  ray-like  tabs 
or  tassels.  These  tassels,  all  of  them  conventionalized,  fall  into 
three  groups  or  classes,  (i)  The  puma-headed  tassels,  six  in 
number  and  much  conventionalized;  (2)  Tassels,  seventeen  in 
number,  composed  of  what  look  like  ribbons  ended  off  by  stone 
rings,  but  which  cannot  well  be  described  with  accuracy  because 
of  their  conventional  nature:  (3)  One  anthropomorphic  tassel 
showing  the  conventionalized  face  of  a  man  with  eyebrows  and 
nose  shown  continuous.  The  face  of  the  Weeping  God  has  been 
destroyed  by  time  to  a  deplorable  extent,  but  two  large  round 
eyes,  deeply  sunk,  remain  almost  unharmed.  From  the  eyes 
hang  two  bands  ended  off  with  puma-heads.  On  each  of  the 
bands  are  two  sunken  dots  suggestive  of  "tears."  The  nose  of 
the  figure  has  been  shattered,  but  it  was  probably  once  quite 
prominent.  At  present  it  is  squarish  and  rather  broad  and  long. 
The  whole  face  is  covered  over  with  traces  of  secondary  orna- 
mentation. The  body  is  not  separated  from  the  head  by  any 
definite  neck.  The  mouth  is  a  mere  rectangular  slit  sunk  in  the 
face,  totally  lacking  in  any  true  modelling,  the  body  is  short  and 
chunky,  and  the  legs  are  much  too  short  to  be  in  proportion, 
unless,  indeed,  a  kneeling  posture  is  indicated.  The  garment  of 
the  figure  is  a  short  fringed  skirt  held  up  by  shoulder-bands.  The 
top  of  the  skirt  is  marked  with  rectangular  decoration  of  a  type 
to  be  observed  elsewhere  on  the  carving,  and  by  two  puma-heads 
similar  to  those  on  the  headdress  and  elsewhere.  The  fringe 
of  the  skirt  is  made  up  of  six  human  faces  of  the  same  type 
as  that  noted  on  the  headdress.  The  shoulder-bands  are  adorned 
with  a  conventionalized  figure  alternated  with  conventionalized 
bird-heads.  A  large  breast  ornament  hangs  between  the  shoulder- 
bands.  It  has  the  form  of  a  fish  in  semi-lunar  posture  with  his 
head  to  the  left  and  turned  upward  and  his  tail,  to  the  right,  also 
turned  upward.  The  face  of  the  fish  recalls  the  conventionalized 
human  faces  already  noted.  Just  below  the  fish  is  a  repetition  of 
the  conventionalized  figure  that  appears  on  the  shoulder-bands 
and  two  other  examples  of  the  bird-heads  that  also  appear  there. 
The  arms  of  the  Weeping  God,  though  not  at  all  true  to  nature, 
are  the  best  modelled  parts  of  the  figure.  At  each  elbow  are 
two  puma-heads,  one  above  the  other.  From  the  two  lower  puma- 
heads  hang  two  more  conventionalized  human  faces.  The  hands 
of  the  figure  have  but  four  digits.     In  the  right  hand  is  a  large 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  353 

ceremonial  staff.  The  upper  half  of  it  bears  a  rectangular  decora- 
tion just  like  that  on  some  of  the  tabs  of  the  headdress.  It  is 
surmounted  by  an  indeterminate  object.  The  lower  half  of  the 
staff  is  decorated  in  much  the  same  way  save  for  the  fact  that 
the  central  panel  is  sunk  as  it  is  on  the  upper  border  of  the  skirt. 
The  base  of  the  staff  consists  of  a  conventionalized  bird-head. 
In  the  case  of  the  staff  in  the  left  hand  of  the  Weeping  God  we 
find  the  lower  half  identical  with  the  one  just  described.  The 
upper  half,  however,  is  bifurcated  and  the  two  prongs  are  topped 
by  bird-heads  similar  to  those  already  seen  on  the  breast-orna- 
ment. 

Having  enumerated  in  detail  the  features  of  the  Weeping  God, 
it  will  be  well  for  us  to  note  in  general  terms  some  of  its  char- 
acteristics. In  the  Weeping  God,  then,  we  have  a  highly  con- 
ventionalized bas-relief  in  stone  which  shows  considerable  artistic 
advance.  For  one  thing,  the  tendency  toward  bilateral  symmetry 
noted  in  connection  with  Proto-Nasca  art  appears  again  here,  and 
it  has  gained  considerably  in  strength.  Save  for  the  staffs  and 
the  breast-ornament,  the  Weeping  God  is  bilaterally  symmetrical, 
and  the  exceptions  to  that  symmetry  do  not  in  the  least  interfere 
with  the  impression  of  perfect  bilateral  balance.  Moreover,  the 
constant  re-statement  of  three  or  four  motifs  of  decoration  in 
various  combinations  is  eloquent  of  conventionalization  that  has 
been  long  in  developing.  Lastly,  the  technique  of  the  bas-relief 
is  of  that  square-edged  type  which  would  naturally  develop  out 
of  a  round-surfaced  stone  technique  after  conventionalization 
had  set  in. 

On  the  same  gateway  with  the  Weeping  God  are  forty-eight 
secondary  figures  in  relief  of  the  same  type.  There  are  twenty- 
four  on  each  side  of  the  central  figure.  Here  again,  the  tendency 
toward  bilateral  symmetry  is  observable,  for  all  the  figures  face 
toward  the  Weeping  God.  These  secondary  personages  fall  into 
two  classes  :  ( 1 )  Those  with  bird-like  bodies  and  human  faces ; 
and,  (2)  Those  with  bird-like  bodies  and  bird  faces.  Each  of 
them  bears  before  him  a  staff  which  approximates  in  form  to 
one  or  the  other  of  those  held  by  the  Weeping  God.  All  the  fig- 
ures of  both  classes  have  four-digit  hands,  tears  and  tear-lines, 
and  a  constant  repetition  of  the  If""  sign,  and  of  the  puma-, 
fish-  and  bird-head  motifs.  The  wings  of  the  figures  are,  in  part, 
almost  realistic,  and  they  recall  the  fluted  wings  we  noted  in  con- 


354  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

nection  with  the  Proto-Chimu  art.  All  the  figures  are  represented 
as  running  toward  the  Weeping  God,  and  the  speed  of  their 
motion  is  well  indicated  by  their  cloak-like  garments  which  are 
streaming  out  behind  them. 

Repetition  and  re-statement  of  decorative  motifs  and  themes, 
together  with  the  tendency  toward  symmetry,  may  be  said  to  be 
the  underlying  principle  of  the  conventionalities  of  Tiahuanaco 
II  art  as  embodied  in  the  monolithic  gateway.  It  is  especially 
noted  in  the  frieze  which  runs  the  whole  length  of  the  gateway 
just  below  the  Weeping  God  and  just  above  the  doorway. 
Thoughout  that  whole  composition  fragments  and  portions  of 
motifs  already  noted  can  be  picked  out.14 

Aside  from  the  typical  Tiahuanaco  II  decorations  on  the  several 
gateways  at  Tiahuanaco  (the  others  are  unimportant),  the  same 
or  similar  motifs  appear  on  the  pottery  from  that  vicinity.  The 
American  Museum  of  Natural  History  has  a  fine  collection  of 
Tiahuanaco  II  pottery  from  Copacabana  and  Tiahuanaco.  In 
general  the  tonality  is  rather  sombre,  red  and  black  being  the 
most  frequent  colors.  Sometimes,  however,  white  and  orange  also 
appear.  In  the  Peabody  Museum  at  Harvard  University  there  is 
a  small  but  excellent  cup  of  this  period  decorated  with  the  face 
of  the  Weeping  God.  Sometimes,  as  in  the  case  of  some  of  the 
New  York  specimens,  the  Weeping  God  appears  in  the  pottery 
without  his  tears ;  at  other  times  the  decoration  takes  the  form 
of  parts  of  the  secondary  motifs,  such  as  puma-  or  bird-heads 
in  the  Tiahuanaco  style,  or  variations  of  the  second  type  of  tab 
on  the  Weeping  God's  headdress  (i.  e.  the  "ribbon-and-stone- 
ring"  motif).  Cups,  bowls,  ollas  and  vessels  with  spouts  like 
those  on  teapots  are  the  commoner  forms.  One  of  the  New- 
York  specimens  measures  almost  a  foot  across  although  it  is  but 
a  fragment.  Modelled  puma-heads  in  clay  also  occur.  In  short, 
the  plastic  art  of  the  Tiahuanaco  II  period,  although  it  is  none 
too  plentifully  represented  in  our  museums,  is  richly  diversified. 

Our  Plate  VIII,  Figure  i,  shows  a  poncho  from  Tiahuanaco 
now  in  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  New  York. 
The  writer  believes  that,  although  it  bears  none  of  the  motifs 
so  far  shown  to  have  been  typical  of  Tiahuanaco  II  art,  it  does 
bear  a  swastika-like  motif  on  its  border,  and  is  therefore  to  be 

14  See  Posnansky,  1914,  Plates  LXXIII-LXXXI. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  355 

connected  with  a  cup  with  the  same  motif  shown  by  Joyce  (1912, 
p.  207).  This  cup,  both  because  of  the  puma-heads  and  because 
of  the  general  technique,  is  obviously  Tiahuanaco  II.  The  swas- 
tika is  a  motif  which  is  excessively  rare  in  Peruvian  art.  The 
ones  in  this  specimen  are  not  perfect  in  form.  The  reader  is 
warned  that  this  garment  may  not  be  Tiahuanaco  II  after  all, 
though  the  writer  now  believes  that  it  is. 

Plate  VIII,  Figure  2,  shows  a  fine  piece  of  cloth  from  the 
Nasca  region.  It  has  affinities  with  both  the  Proto-Nasca  and 
Tiahuanaco  II  styles  as  follows:  With  Proto-Nasca,  face-paint- 
ing (or  masking),  centipede  element,  and  coloration;  with  Tia- 
huanaco II,  tear-lines,  eyebrows  and  nose  in  T  form,  three-digit 
hands.  The  specimen  is  in  the  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston, 
and  is  the  gift  of  Dr.  Denman  Waldo  Ross. 

Though  it  may  at  first  seem  illogical,  we  will  now  turn  our 
attention  to  the  Tiahuanaco  II  art  of  the  coast;  then  we  will 
study  it  in  another  region  of  the  highlands.  The  reason  for 
this  course  will  become  apparent  later. 

The  writer  regrets  that  he  has  not  been  able  to  obtain  any 
satisfactory  pictures  of  coast  Tiahuanaco  II  art.  Much  material 
is  readily  accessible  to  the  student,  however,  and  the  following 
works  should  be  consulted:  Baessler,  1902-03;  Reiss  und  Stub  el, 
1880-87;  Holmes,  1889;  Oyarzun,  1910;  Uhle,  1901,  1902,  1003, 
1908,  1910,  1910b,  1910c,  1912,  1913,  1913b,  1914;  Putnam, 
F.  K.,  191 4;  Therese  von  Bayern,  1907;  Beuchat,  1912;  Joyce, 
1912,  1913b;  Bamps,  1879.  (The  reader  is  especially  referred 
to  the  works  in  italics.) 

It  will  be  remembered  that  in  the  Tiahuanaco  II  art  of  the 
interior  two  things  were  very  noticeable:  the  tendency  toward 
bilateral  symmetry  in  the  design,  and  the  comparative  poorness 
of  coloration.  Of  these  characteristics  only  the  former  appears 
on  the  coast.  As  in  the  case  of  Proto-Nasca  art,  coloration  on 
both  vessels  and  textiles  was  extremely  rich.  For  example,  look 
at  Plate  134,  Figure  373,  in  Baessler.  The  design  that  appears  at 
that  place  shows  two  birds  with  squarish  heads.  The  design 
comes  from  Pachacamac.  A  detailed  description  of  it  may  be  of 
use  to  the  reader.  The  two  birds,  whose  heads  alone  appear, 
face  one  another.  They  have  hawk-like  beaks,  darkened  eye- 
areas  and  headdresses  adorned  with  tabs  ending  off  in  three 
fringes  just  like  those  on  the  minor  figures  of  the  monolithic  gate- 


35 6  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

way  at  Tiahuanaco.  The  angularity  so  noticeable  in  the  art  of 
this  period  at  Tiahuanaco  itself  is  here  preserved  to  a  consid- 
erable degree.  Between  the  two  bird-heads  and  around  each  of 
them  is  a  frame  or  border  adorned  with  repetitions  of  the  IT 
sign.  Although  the  Plate  in  question  is  not  in  color,  several 
tints  are  indicated.  Again,  Baessler,  Plate  144,  Figure  403, 
shows  a  wonderful  specimen  of  coast  Tiahuanaco  II  art.  It  is 
a  goblet  from  Pachamac  adorned  with  a  very  beautiful  design. 
The  colors  are  cream,  purple,  gray,  brown,  red  and  black.  The 
finish  is  lustrous  and  the  arrangement  of  the  color-areas  is  mas- 
terly. The  decoration  resolves  itself  into  several  bands.  At 
the  top  is  a  band  of  the  stair-sign  motif ;  it  is  gray  with  purple 
borders.  Attached  to  the  outer  edge  of  the  borders  are  a  num- 
ber of  conventionalized  puma-heads  in  purple.  They  are  remin- 
iscent of  those  on  the  monolithic  gateway.  Those  on  the  top 
of  the  band  face  to  the  reader's  right;  the  ones  at  the  bottom 
face  to  the  left.  On  the  gray  central  stripe  of  the  stair-sign 
band  are  a  number  of  conventionalized  three-digit  bands  in  black 
and  gray  alternated  with  similar  feet  in  brown,  cream  and  black. 
Below  this  band  of  decoration  comes  a  narrower  one  made  up  of 
IT"  signs  in  red  on  a  cream  ground.  Below  that,  in  turn, 
comes  a  wide  band  of  black  on  which  is  painted  an  almost 
bilaterally  symmetrical  square-headed  Weeping  God.  A  slight 
difference  in  the  two  ends  of  his  mouth  is  the  sole  exception  to 
symmetry.  His  eyes  are  in  cream  and  black  and,  like  those 
of  the  Weeping  God  on  the  monolithic  gateway,  are  large 
and  round  with  a  band  of  "tears"  running  down  from 
each  of  them.  The  face  is  red,  the  nose,  gray  in  color,  is 
broad  and  squarish  like  that  of  the  Weeping  God  at  Tia- 
huanaco. His  gray  lips  form  a  rectangular  mouth  contain- 
ing three  groups  of  rectangular  teeth  and  two  groups  of  fangs, 
the  order  being,  from  left  to  right,  teeth- fangs-teeth- fangs- 
teeth.  The  teeth  are  cream-colored.  Finally,  at  the  bottom  of 
the  design,  comes  a  band  containing  twelve  oblong  rectangles  on 
each  of  which  are  two  small  disks  of  color  with  a  dot  in  the 
center.  These  rectangles  are  arranged  in  double  file,  six  in  a 
row.  They  are  arranged  in  the  manner  here  approximately  indi- 
cated, and  they  may  be  said  to  be  a  sort  of  study  in  color-arrange- 
ment. Numbers  1,  3,  5,  8,  10  and  12  are  red  with  cream  disks; 
2  is  cream  with  purple  disks;    4,  9  and  11   are  gray  with  red, 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art. 


357 


purple,  red  disks  respectively ;  6  and  7  are  purple  with  cream 
disks.  What  this  design  can  have  been  intended  to  represent  it 
is  difficult  to  imagine.  The  only  thing  it  seems  to  bear  the 
slightest  resemblance  to  is  the  group  of  finds  on  the  island  of 
La  Plata,  Ecuador,  which  Dorsey  called  "Perforated  and 
engraved  stones."  These  objects  are  small  rectangular  oblongs 
upon  which  are  engraved  circles  with  a  dot,  the  number  varying 
from  three  circles  up  to  eight.  Dorsey  suggests  that  perhaps  the 
stones  in  question  were  used  in  some  game.15 


1 

2 

3 

A 

5 

6 

©    © 

©      © 

©       © 

©       © 

©       © 

0     © 

©    © 

©      © 

©       © 

©       © 

©       © 

©     © 

10 


11 


M 


Fk 


The  decoration  composed  of  small  circles  with  a  dot  in  the 
centre  occurs  also  on  some  objects  from  Machu  Picchu.  Its 
occurrence  there  may  mean  one  of  several  things :  ( 1 )  That 
some  subjects  of  the  Tiahuanaco  II  "empire"  were  once  at 
Vilcabamba  and  left  these  objects  behind  them;  (2)  That  the 
subjects  of  the  Inca  who  dwelt  at  Vilcabamba  happened  to  see 
the  motif  on  some  remains  of  the  former  period  and  copied  it; 
(3)  That  the  design,  which  is  essentially  simple,  was  "invented" 
twice,  first  by  the  coast  Tiahuanaco  II  people,  secondly  by  the 
Inca's  subjects.  The  writer  inclines  to  the  belief  that  the  last 
is  the  correct  explanation.  It  is,  however,  so  simple  a  design 
that  it  has  been  "invented"  again  and  again  in  various  parts  of 
the  world. 

One  more  example  of  Tiahuanaco  II  art  in  connection  with 
the  pottery  of  the  coast  will  serve  to  round  out  our  present  brief 
account  of  the  matter.  It  is  found  in  Baessler,  Plate  140,  Figure 
392,  and  it  shows  another  variation  of  the  square-headed  Weep- 
ing God  motif.  The  colors  are  red,  cream,  brown  and  white. 
The  figure  is  shown  at  full  length.  As  before,  the  resemblances 
to  the  Weeping  God  of  Tiahuanaco,  despite  the  divergences,  are 


Dorsey,  1901,  p.  262,  and  Plate  LVII. 


358  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

very  marked.  The  face  of  this  coast  Weeping  God,  then,  is  sur- 
rounded by  a  frame  strikingly  like  that  of  its  prototype.  From 
the  inner  band  decorated  with  dots  spring  eleven  tab-like  decora- 
tions which  fall  into  three  groups  on  the  basis  of  form:  (i) 
Three  straight  tassels  ending  in  a  fringe  of  three  pieces;  (2) 
Six  tabs  reminiscent  of  the  ribbon-and-stone-ring  tassels  of  the 
Weeping  God  of  Tiahuanaco;  (3)  Two  long  tabs  ending  off  in 
an  affair  similar  to  the  fringed  tabs  of  the  first  type.  All  these 
are  arranged  about  the  face  in  such  a  manner  as  to  result  in 
absolute  symmetry.  In  fact,  the  whole  figure  is  absolutely  sym- 
metrical save  for  the  arrangement  of  the  color-areas.  The  eyes 
are  cream  and  brown  and  are  large;  the  "tears"  are  indicated 
merely  by  two  lines,  one  running  down  from  each  eye.  The  nose 
is  broad  and  square ;  the  mouth  rectangular  with  eight  square 
teeth  and  no  fangs.  Two  hands  with  four  digits  grasp  two 
staffs  which  are  exactly  alike  except  for  color  and  which  are 
arranged  symmetrically.  They  suggest  tremendously  conven- 
tionalized bows,  and  are  adorned  with  repetitions  of  the  fringed 
tab  element.  In  short,  this  figure,  besides  presenting  several 
very  close  resemblances  to  the  Weeping  God  of  Tiahuanaco  in 
its  details,  resembles  it  in  more  general  terms  also.  We  find  in 
the  Tiahuanaco  figure  a  strong  tendency  toward  bilateral  sym- 
metry, a  symmetry  which  is  fully  attained  in  this  coast  figure. 
More  than  that,  we  observe  that  the  two  have  another  significant 
characteristic  in  common,  namely,  the  constant  re-statement  of 
minor  decorative  elements  (such  as  the  fringed  tab).  These 
resemblances  are  extremely  significant. 

So  much,  then,  for  Tiahuanaco  II  designs  on  the  pottery  of 
the  coast.  The  material  relating  to  Tiahuanaco  II  designs  in 
coast  textiles  is  no  less  ample,  and  the  evidence  it  presents  points 
just  the  same  way  as  that  offered  by  the  pottery.  We  will, 
therefore,  consider  only  one  example  of  Tiahuanaco  II  coast 
textile-design.  It  is  shown  by  Reiss  and  Stiibel,  vol.  II,  Plate  49. 
It  is  a  rich  garment  from  Ancon.  There  are  two  variations 
either  of  the  Weeping  God  himself  or  of  the  two  types  of  minor 
figures  on  the  monolithic  gateway.  We  will  enumerate  the  analo- 
gies between  this  design  and  other  arts  that  we  have  examined. 
One  of  the  two  variations  has :  ( 1 )  A  human  face  and  a  head- 
dress suggestive  of  the  first  type  of  minor  figure  on  the  mono- 
lithic gateway  (i.  e.  human  face  with  bird  body)  ;  (2)  Tears 
and  tear-lines;     (3)    Four-digit  hands;     (4)    Two  staves;     (5) 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  359 

Shoulder-bands;  (6)  Fish  and  bird  attendants;  and,  (7)  A 
mouth  similar  in  shape  to  those  on  the  monolithic  gateway.  The 
other  variation  has  :  ( 1 )  Fluted  wings  recalling  both  those  found 
in  Proto-Chimu  art  and  those  found  on  the  minor  figures  of  the 
monolithic  gateway;  (2)  Five-digit  hands  reminiscent  of  those 
on  some  of  statues  at  Tiahuanaco  and  of  Proto-Chimu  art, 
also;  (3)  Tears  and  tear-lines;  (4)  One  staff;  (5)  A  decora- 
tion on  the  headdress  suggestive  of  the  "ribbon-and-stone-ring" 
motif  of  the  Weeping  God  both  at  Tiahuanaco  and  on  the  pot- 
tery just  reviewed.  The  colors  in  this  tapestry  are  by  far  the 
richest  we  have  yet  come  across,  and  they  are  not  likely  to  be 
surpassed.  They  are  yellow,  light  yellow-brown,  dark  yellow- 
brown,  red,  pink,  pale  green,  purple,  black  and  white.  The  effect 
is  one  of  great  richness,  and  also  of  a  generally  light  tonality, 
wherein,  perhaps,  we  may  see  the  influence  of  Proto-Chimu 
art.  To  sum  up  our  impressions  of  coast  Tiahuanaco  II  art  we 
will  say  that  it  derives  its  minor  motifs  and  its  tendency  toward 
symmetry,  or  rather  its  marked  indulgence  in  symmetry,  directly 
from  Tiahuanaco  which  also  provided  most  of  the  subject-matter. 
The  rich  coloring,  however,  came  from  Proto-Nasca. 

Having  now  completed  our  survey  of  Tiahuanaco  II  art  in 
the  Titicaca  drainage  and  on  the  coast,  we  will  examine  its 
manifestations  in  another  part  of  the  highlands.  Before  doing 
so,  however,  we  will  mention  in  passing  the  fact  that  save  for  a 
vestige  here  and  there  Tiahuanaco  II  art  does  not  appear  promi- 
nently in  the  Cuzco  region.  One  exception  to  this  rule  is  a 
pottery  vessel  adorned  with  an  anthropomorphic  puma  having 
four  digits,  fangs  and  tab-like  head  ornaments.  Its  provenance 
is  Cuzco,  and  it  is  shown  by  Seler.16 

It  is  the  Tiahuanaco  II  art  at  Chavin  de  Huantar,  however, 
that  claims  the  major  part  of  our  attention. 

The  chief  example  of  ancient  art  at  Chavin  is  the  famous 
greater  Chavin  monolith.  This  wonderful  piece  of  stone-carving 
is  in  the  Museo  Nacional  at  Lima.  It  is  about  six  feet  long  and 
two  broad.17  Probably  no  other  single  artifact  from  Peru  helps 
more  than   this   in   the   study  of   the   relations   between   Proto- 

16  Seler,  1893,  Plate  VII,  Fig.  8. 

17  The  writer  has  seen  and  examined  the  original  stone.  Both  Sir 
Clements  Markham  and  Mr.  Joyce  are  mistaken  in  thinking  the  stone  to 
be  twenty-five  feet  long.    Markham,  1912,  p.  34;   Joyce,  1912,  p.  176. 


360  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

Chimu,  Proto-Nasca  and  Tiahuanaco  II  arts.  Several  able 
studies  of  the  stone  have  appeared,  chief  among  which  are  two 
by  Markham  and  that  by  Polo.is  With  the  aid  of  our  Plate  IX 
we  will  now  examine  this  stone  and  its  bearing  upon  our  subject. 
The  characteristic  of  the  stone  which  first  strikes  the  beholder 
is  the  tremendous  elaboration  of  the  design.  One  has  to  study 
it  carefully  before  it  resolves  itself  into  its  component  parts. 
When  this  is  done,  it  becomes  apparent  that  the  design  falls  into 
halves,  the  lower  of  which  shows  a  personage  holding  two  staves, 
and  the  upper  of  which  is  made  up  of  a  mass  of  inverted  faces 
with  their  secondary  decorations.  We  will  study  the  halves  in 
that  order.  The  personage  is  unquestionably  derived  in  part 
from  the  Weeping  God  motif.  The  face  is  square  and  is  edged 
with  serpent-heads  faintly  analogous  to  the  tab-like  ornaments 
of  the  Weeping  God.  The  face,  on  the  other  hand,  is  utterly 
different  in  both  content  and  treatment  from  that  of  the  Weeping 
God.  Indeed,  it  is  very  difficult  to  decide  just  which  of  the 
numerous  complex  features  belong  to  the  face  of  the  personage. 
One  may  assume,  if  he  chooses,  that  the  two  upper  dots  are  his 
eyes  and  the  involutions  just  above  them  are  conventionalized 
eyebrows  while  the  two  dots  below  are  nostrils.  This  is,  per- 
haps, the  most  satisfactory  interpretation.19  The  mouth  which, 
from  one  aspect,  looks  like  an  adaptation  of  the  toothed  and 
fanged  rectangular  mouth  seen  in  coast  Tiahuanaco  II,  again 
presents  difficulties  because,  on  turning  the  Plate  upside  down, 
it  turns  out  that  the  mouth  is  formed  by  two  fanged  puma-heads 
set  nose  to  nose  and  lip  to  lip.  It  may  be  suggested  that  in  the 
group  of  details  formed  by  the  puma-heads  and  the  twined  ser- 
pent-heads just  behind  each  of  them  we  see  a  faint  survival 
and  tremendous  conventionalization  of  the  mouth-mask  of  Proto- 
Nasca  art.  As  in  the  case  of  the  Weeping  God  on  the  mono- 
lithic  gateway,   the   body  is   short   and   square.     There   are  no 

18  Markham,  1904  and  1908;    Polo,  1899. 

19  Prof.  MacCurdy's  interpretation  of  the  plate  differs  from  the  writer's, 
for  he  thinks  the  two  upper  dots  to  be  the  nostrils  of  an  inverted  face 
like  those  on  the  upper  half  of  the  stone.  There  is  a  good  deal  to  be  said 
in  support  of  this  view.  But  an  examination  of  our  Plate  IX,  or,  still 
better,  the  large  one  in  Polo,  1899,  will  show  that  the  writer's  interpreta- 
tion is  also  valid.  We  may  say,  therefore,  that  the  two  dots  in  question 
serve,  in  one  position,  as  eyes  for  the  face  of  the  chief  head  of  the  design, 
and,  when  reversed,  act  as  nostrils  for  an  inverted  subsidiary  head. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  361 

"tears."  There  is  an  area  of  ornamentation  on  the  breast  made 
up  of  a  new  variation  of  the  _TJ~"  sign  edged  with  feather- 
like ornaments  reminiscent  of  Proto-Chimu  art  and  Proto-Nasca 
art.  (See  Plate  I,  Figure  3,  and  Plate  III,  Figure  3.)  This 
feather-motif  occurs  many  times  on  the  stone.  The  garment  of 
the  personage  reminds  us  of  that  on  the  Weeping  God  of  Tia- 
huanaco  in  that  it  is  a  short  skirt-like  affair.  The  puma-heads 
that  adorn  the  upper  edge  of  the  Tiahuanaco  figure's  skirt  have 
here  become  so  conventionalized  that  it  is  nearly  impossible  to 
recognize  them.  The  fringe  of  human  faces  on  the  Tiahuanaco 
skirt  has  become  mere  unadorned  rectangles.  The  arms,  it  is 
well  to  note,  are'in  exactly  the  same  position  and  much  the  same 
in  shape  both  here  and  on  the  monolithic  gateway.  But  a  marked 
difference  is  found  in  the  hands.  At  Tiahuanaco  we  found  the 
hands  of  the  Weeping  God  were  fairly  close  to  nature  in  their 
modelling  despite  the  fact  that  they  had  but  four  digits.  Here, 
on  the  other  hand,  we  find  a  wider  departure  from  realism  in 
the  drop  to  but  three  digits  and  in  the  elaboration  of  the  finger 
nails  into  a  decorative  element.  In  the  two  staves  we  discover 
a  still  wider  departure  from  the  original  theme.  The  staves  are 
almost  exactly  alike,  which  is  in  itself  a  significant  matter.  They 
have  been  widened  so  as  to  make  room  for  the  immensely  elab- 
orate ornamentation  with  which  they  are  encrusted.  So  complex, 
in  fact,  is  the  overlaid  design  that  it  is  nearly  impossible  longer 
to  distinguish  any  of  the  features  that  we  perceived  in  the  staves 
held  by  the  Weeping  God  of  Tiahuanaco.  Some  may  be  able  to 
discover  in  the  formalized  faces  at  the  base  of  the  two  staves 
a  faint  echo  of  the  bird-heads  that  are  found  at  the  bottoms  of 
the  Tiahuanaco  staves. 

So  much,  then,  for  the  lower  half  of  the  design  on  the  Chavin 
stone.  In  order  properly  to  study  the  upper  half  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  reverse  the  Plate.  On  doing  so  we  find  three  grotesque 
faces  proceeding  from  one  another's  mouths  and  each  with  its 
tongue  protruding  and  highly  decorated.  These  faces  all  have 
fangs,  but  otherwise  they  are  unlike  one  another,  although  the 
last  two  from  the  center  do  resemble  each  other  closely.  The 
nose  of  the  first  face  is  adorned  with  a  combination  of  the. 
feather-motif,  fang-motif  and  serpent-head  motif.  The  noses  of 
the  other  two  are  much  simpler  and  are  marked  only  by  an  odd 
but  simple  comb-like  figure.  On  each  side  of  the  central  band 
of  decoration  formed  by  those  three  faces  is  a  fringe  of  alternated 


362  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

serpent-heads  and  feather-motifs.  The  tongue' of  the  last  head 
is  likewise  encrusted  with  the  two. 

A  word  about  the  general  features  of  this,  the  greater  Chavin 
stone,  should  be  said  before  we  go  on  to  compare  it  with  other 
artifacts.  It  is  a  bas-relief  of  the  same  technique  as  the  Tia- 
huanaco  frieze.  The  work  is  finer  because  the  stone  lends  itself 
more  readily  to  the  cutter's  tools. 

At  Chavin  is  another  remarkable  stone  carving,  the  lesser 
Chavin  stone.  It  is  described  by  Polo  and  by  Enock.20  It  was 
found  in  an  underground  chamber ;  indeed,  according  to  Enock, 
much  of  the  work  and  many  of  the  chambers  in  the  "castle  of 
Chavin"  are  subterranean.  This  feature  is  reminiscent  of  Tia- 
huanaco  itself.  The  lesser  stone  is  at  once  similar  to  and  differ- 
ent from  the  greater.  The  chief  points  of  likeness  are  the 
profuse  use  of  fangs  and  serpents  as  decorative  motifs,  and 
the  constant  re-statement  of  these  motifs  recalls  not  only  the 
greater  Chavin  stone,  but  also  the  monolithic  gateway.  The 
differences  are  chiefly  these :  lack  of  any  trace  of  comprehensible 
composition,  lack  of  bilateral  symmetry  and  considerable  modi- 
fication of  technique. 

As  our  description  has  proceeded  we  have  made  occasional 
references  to  resemblances  between  the  Chavin  stones  and  other 
objects.  It  will  now  be  our  task  to  systematize  these  resemblances. 
Each  of  the  elements  which  constitute  the  resemblances  will  be 
found  in  the  following  table  in  its  appropriate  column : 

Affiliations  Between  Chavin  and  Other  Arts. 

proto-chimu  proto-nasca  tiahuanaco 

Fangs  Fangs 

Feathers  Feathers 

Multiple  inverted  heads. 

Puma-heads 
Staves  Staves 

Symmetry 
Mouth  mask  ( ?) 

Too  few  digits  Too  few  digits 

Skirt 
JJ~  sign 

Repetition    of    motifs 
in  many  parts 
of  the  design. 

20  Enock,  1907,  p.  72  ff. ;   and  Polo,  1899. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  363 

The  table  makes  clear,  perhaps,  the  three-fold  source  of  the 
art  found  in  the  Chavin  stones.  We  now  find  ourselves  brought 
to  the  important  question  of  the  historic,  artistic  and  ethnic  rela- 
tions between  the  three  great  arts  we  have  studied. 

3.    RELATIONS  BETWEEN  PROTO-CHIMU,  PROTO-NASCA 
AND  TIAHUANACO  II. 

We  have  now  studied  three  ancient  Peruvian  cultures.  It  is 
obvious  that,  from  both  the  artistic  and  the  archaeological  points 
of  view,  they  form  a  group.  We  must  now  endeavor  to 
answer  the  question,  How  are  these  cultures  connected? 

Already  we  have  pointed  out  the  basic  similarity  in  subject 
matter  of  Proto-Chimu  and  Proto-Nasca.  From  one  of  those 
cultures  the  other  in  all  probability  was  derived.  But  which 
was  the  elder  is  only  revealed  by  minute  analysis.  In  the  Proto- 
Chimu  we  find  an  art  which  is  of  a  distinctly  advanced  nature. 
It  has,  so  far  as  we  know,  no  introductory  manifestations,  cruder 
in  type  than  itself  in  its  own  locality.  Inasmuch  as  advanced 
arts  do  not  suddenly  spring  into  being  from  nothingness,  it  can 
only  be  supposed  that.  Proto-Chimu  art  was  introduced  into  the 
region  with  which  we  associate  it  from  some  other  region.  The 
same  may  be  said  of  the  Proto-Nasca  art.  Uhle  and  Joyce  seem 
to  incline  to  the  belief  that  this  art  is  the  elder  of  the  two,  and 
Uhle  believes  it  to  have  had  an  origin  in  the  north,  perhaps  in 
Middle  America.21 

Let  us  see,  then,  if  Proto-Nasca  can  really  be  justly  considered 
older  than  Proto-Chimu.  In  doing  this  we  must  first  determine 
from  what  area  or  areas  it  could  have  been  derived  (assuming 
that  it  ivas  derived  from  some  source  outside  of  the  Andean 
area).  A  rapid  survey  of  the  whole  field  of  American  civiliza- 
tions assures  us  that  only  from  one  area  could  such  cultures  as 
the  Proto-Nasca  and  Proto-Chimu  have  been  derived — Middle 
America.  There  is  much  evidence  that  seems  to  point  toward 
all  the  South  American  cultures  as  having  been  derived  from  the 
region  to  the  north,  but  unfortunately  this  is  not  the  place  to 
examine  that  evidence.  We  will  assume,  therefore,  that  if,  as 
seems  probable,  the  Proto-Nasca  and  Proto-Chimu  cultures  were 

21  Uhle,  1913,  pp.  341  ff. ;   1914,  pp.  15  ff. ;  Joyce,  1912,  pp.  178  ff.;   Means, 
1917. 

Trans.  Conn.  Acad.,  Vol.  XXI  25  1917 


364  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

the  result  of  a  cultural  migration,  that  migration  must  have  had 
its  origin  in  Middle  America.  From  a  geographical  standpoint, 
then,  it  would  be  difficult  to  explain  why  the  migrants,  on  their 
way  south,  passed  the  region  of  Chimu  and  went  first  to  that 
of  Nasca  where  they  developed  the  Proto-Nasca  art  after  their 
arrival,  and  then  gradually  spread  north  along  the  coast,  in  time 
reaching  Chimu  where  the  Proto-Chimu  culture  was  perfected. 
This  theory  is  almost  impossible  to  svipport  on  geographical 
grounds.  But  geographical  objections  are  not  the  only  ones. 
Other  and  more  serious  drawbacks  to  the  theory  present  them- 
selves. 

These  drawbacks  we  will  now  enumerate.  In  Proto-Chimu 
art  we  have  a  realistic  art  which  has  so  thoroughly  outlived  the 
preparatory  stages  characteristic  of  all  arts  that  there  is  hardly 
a  trace  left  of  the  crudenesses  that  mark  the  infancy  of  all  sub- 
civilized  or  high  primitive  arts.22  It  is  a  decorative  art  that  has 
reached  so  high  a  level  as  to  combine  no  small  degree  of  repre- 
sentation with  its  decorative  purpose.  In  other  words,  Proto- 
Chimu  art  is  one  ripe  for  the  influence  of  several  principles- of 
art-development.  These  principles  all  find  their  natural  resultant 
in  Proto-Nasca  art. 

A  few  quotations  from  Dr.  Spinden's  work,  "A  Study  of 
Maya  Art,"  will  make  clear  this  point.  The  mere  fact  that  Dr. 
Spinden  is  speaking  of  Middle  American  art  does  not  alter  the 
fact  that  what  he  says  applies  equally  well  to  Peruvian  art  or  to 
any  other  art  of  similar  rank.23 

"In  the  imaginative  modification  of  any  given  natural  figure, 
for  the  purposes  of  decorative  art,  there  are  a  number  of  rather 
definite  processes.  Each  of  these  is  amenable  to  the  fundamental 
principles  of  design,  such  as  balance,  rhythm  and  harmony,  as 
these  terms  have  besn  elucidated  by  Dr.  Ross.24  Each  process 
may  show,  moreover,  the  phases  of  conscious  and  unconscious 
manipulation  of  the  subject  matter.  Lastly,  these  processes  of 
intensive  development  of  a  design  motive,  ....  work  both 
singly  and  in  combination.  It  is  possible  to  detect  much  of  the 
counterplay. 

12  The  general  remarks  made  here  are  intended  to  apply  solely  to 
decorative,  as  contrasted  with  representative,  art. 

23  Spinden,  1913,  p.  38  ff. 

24  Ross,  1901,  1907. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  365 

"The  processes  are:  1.  Simplification.  2.  Elaboration.  3. 
Elimination.     4.  Substitution. 

"Careful  analysis  of  one  group  of  designs  after  another,  dur- 
ing which  special  attention  is  paid  to  the  changes  in  homologous 
parts,  makes  pretty  clear  the  matter  in  which  the  imagination 
works.  In  the  first  place,  imagination  does  not  create,  it  merely 
reshapes  and  recombines,  taking  suggestions  and  material  from 

any  thing  lying  within  the  field  of  experience 

"Simplification.  .  .  .  Dr.  Harrison  Allen  discusses  the  rela- 
tions between  natural  forms  and  art  forms.  He  finds  that  the 
tendencies  of  conventional  art  are : 

1  st,  to  repeat  the  normal  lines  of  the  model; 

2nd,  to  diminish  the  normal  lines  of  the  model ; 

3rd,  to  modify  according  to  a  symbol; 

4th,  to  modify  according  to  mystic  or  religious  ideas.   .    .   . 

''Elaboration-.  Of  less  real  worth  in  the  development  of  art, 
but  of  more  common  occurrence,  is  the  process  of  elaboration. 
This  process  amplifies  rather  than  reduces  and  by  means  of 
adventitious  ornament  renders  the  original  form  more  com- 
plex.  .   .   . 

"Elimination.  Elimination  of  one  feature  after  another  of  a 
natural  motive  till  only  one  or  two  survive  is  a  common  phenom- 
enon the  world  over  in  decorative  art.  In  Maya  art  the  process 
is  frequently  observed  in  the  case  of  the  serpent.  Very  often 
the  entire  lower  jaw  is  omitted.    .    .    . 

"Substitution.  The  process  of  substitution  likewise  plays  a 
great  part  in  all  highly  developed  art,  whether  barbaric  or 
civilized.  The  substitution  of  new  and  striking  details  for  old 
and  commonplace  ones — even  at  the  cost  of  the  first  meaning 
of  the  design — is  one  of  the  simplest  and  most  natural  ways  by 
which  imagination  can  reconstruct  and  revivify  worn-out  sub- 
jects. .  .  .  Especially  in  decorative  art,  details  of  a  composi- 
tion realistic  or  geometric  may  be  progressively  replaced  by 
other  quite  different  details  until  in  the  end  only  a  trace  of 
the  original  setting  remains."  25 

Let  us  now  seek  carefully  to  apply  the  principles  outlined 
by  Dr.  Spinden  to  Proto-Chimu,  Proto-Nasca  and  Tiahuanaco 
II  arts.  We  will  take  up  the  principles  in  order.  We  find,  in 
the  transition  from  Proto-Chimu  to  Proto-Nasca  and  to  Tiahu- 
anaco II  (at  Tiahuanaco,  on  the  coast,  and  at  Chavin),  that  an 
important  part  is  played  by  the  second  aspect  of  Simplification. 
We  have  in  Proto-Chimu  a  highly  realistic  decorative  art  in 
which  both  modelling  and  painting  seek  to  approach  as  nearly 

25  Cf.  Allen,  1881 ;    Batchelder,  1910;    MacCurdy,  191 1,  127. 


366  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

as  possible  to  the  outlines  of  natural  models.  The  outcome  of 
this  seeking  is  skillful  modelling  and  the  correct  number  of  such 
parts  as  fingers  and  toes.  In  Proto-Nasca  art,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  principle  of  simplification  finds  reaction  in  the  diminish- 
ing of  the  tendency  toward  modelled  representation  and  of  the 
habit  of  carefully  representing  the  correct  number  of  ringers  and 
toes.  The  result  is  a  simplification  of  the  form  of  the  vessels 
and  of  the  outlines  of  the  hands  at  the  expense  of  truth.  The 
principle  of  simplification  makes  itself  still  more  felt  in  the  tran- 
sition from  Proto-Nasca  to  Tiahuanaco  II.  In  the  former  it 
had  only  begun  to  make  itself  apparent;  modelling,  of  a  simpli- 
fied sort,  to  be  sure,  still  survived,  as  did  also  five-fingered  hands. 
In  Tiahuanaco  II,  however,  pottery  with  modelled  forms  of  men 
or  animals  is  more  rare,  though  modelling  in  stone  is  still  found, 
probably  on  account  of  the  influence  of  Tiahuanaco  I.  But  five- 
fingered  hands  are  here  in  the  minority  to  a  decided  degree. 
Simplification  has  caused  the  vanishing  of  realistic  hands  from 
the  decoration  on  the  monolithic  gateway.  The  status  remains 
the  same  in  coast  Tiahuanaco  II.  In  the  greater  Chavin  stone, 
however,  we  find  the  last  result  of  the  influence  of  the  principle 
of  simplification.  In  this  stone  the  modelling  is  at  its  lowest 
ebb,  and  the  hands,  with  but  three  digits  here,  have  lost  nearly 
all  semblance  to  reality,  and  have  become  mere  elements  in  the 
scheme  of  decoration.  Thus  we  see  that  simplification  leads  us, 
step  by  step,  down  the  line  of  the  arts  of  this  period — Proto- 
Chimu,  Proto-Nasca,  Tiahuanaco  II — in  the  order  named,  with 
the  Chavin  stone  as  the  culmination  of  its  influence. 

Let  us  now  find  out  what  application  the  principle  of  Elabora- 
tion has  to  these  arts.  In  Proto-Chimu  we  found  that  fangs, 
eye-painting,  animal-masks,  animal-disguises  and  other  similar 
features  were  represented.  Each  of  these  is  acted  upon  by  the 
principle  of  elaboration.  Fangs,  it  is  true,  are  not  a  prominent 
element  of  Proto-Nasca  art.  But  they  appear  with  great  prom- 
inence in  Tiahuanaco  art,  both  of  the  mountains  and  of  the  coast, 
and  on  the  Chavin  stones  they  often  form  an  element  of  decora- 
tion of  the  highest  importance.  Eye-painting,  animal-masks  and 
animal-disguises  all  survive  in  Proto-Nasca  art  and  are  all  more 
elaborate  there  than  in  Proto-Chimu.  So  much  so,  in  fact,  that 
their  development  can  go  but  little  further,  and  they  almost  dis- 
appear in  Tiahuanaco  II  art.     It  may  be  suggested,  however, 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  367 

that  eye-painting  is  elaborated  into  the  tears  and  tear-lines  of 
Tiahuanaco  II  art  while  masking  finds  a  faint  elaborate  revival 
in  the  puma-heads  at  the  mouth  of  the  chief  figure  on  the  larger 
Chavin  stone.  To  show  one  more  manifestation  of  the  influence 
of  elaboration  we  will  mention  the  "Multiple-headed  God"  motif 
of  Proto-Nasca  art.  The  God  is  always  distinguished  by  the 
manner  in  which  his  subsidiary  inverted  heads  proceed  from  one 
another's  mouths  and  by  the  presence  of  feather-like  secondary 
ornaments.  Elaboration  results  in  the  multiple-headed  figure  on 
the  larger  Chavin  stone.  That  figure,  like  its  Proto-Nasca  proto- 
type, has  several  inverted  heads  proceeding  from  one  another's 
mouths  and  it  is  marked  by  elaborate  secondary  decoration  in 
the  form  of  feather-like  ornaments.  We  must  note  here  that  as 
nothing  of  the  sort  is  to  be  observed  at  Tiahuanaco  the  trans- 
mission from  Proto-Nasca  to  Chavin  must  have  been  direct,  and 
that  the  two  were  at  least  partly  contemporary.  Likewise,  as  we 
have  pointed  out,  there  are  a  number  of  Proto-Chimu  elements 
found  on  the  Chavin  stone.  One  more  evidence  of  the  influence 
of  elaboration  should  not  be  ignored.  That  is  the  contrast 
between  the  staffs  found  in  Proto-Nasca  with  those  in  Tiahuanaco 
II  and,  above  all,  in  Chavin.  The  contrast  needs  no  comments, 
save  that  here,  again,  the  culmination  of  the  process  is  found  at 
Chavin. 

Nor  do  we  lack  for  signs  of  the  presence  of  influences  on  the 
part  of  the  principle  of  Elimination.  As  we  have  noted,  the 
Proto-Chimu  art  shows  full  realistic  representation  of  the  whole 
of  men  and  animals.  Between  Proto-Chimu  and  Proto-Nasca 
we  find  an  elimination  of  most  of  the  body  parts  by  the  latter 
art.  In  Tiahuanaco  II,  however,  again  probably  on  account  of 
the  influence  of  Tiahuanaco  I,  the  habit  of  showing  the  body  is 
revived,  but  some  of  the  lines  and  curves  of  nature  are  markedly 
absent,  both  in  Tiahuanaco  II  art  proper  and  at  Chavin. 

Finally,  the  principle  of  Substitution  is  readily  seen  to  have  been 
at  work.  The  eye-painting  of  Proto-Chimu  and  Proto-Nasca  is 
substituted  by  the  tears  and  tear-lines  of  Tiahuanaco  II.  The 
puma-head  and  ribbon-and-stone-ring  tabs  on  the  Weeping  God's 
headdress  at  Tiahuanaco  are  replaced  by  the  serpent-heads  that 
occupy  analogous  places  on  the  larger  Chavin  stone  as  well  as 
on  the  lesser  one.  Again,  the  fish-like  breast  ornament  of  the 
Tiahuanaco  figure  finds  a  substitute  at  Chavin  in  the  conventional 


368  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

breast  ornament  of  the  figure  on  the  larger  stone.  Once  more 
the  culmination  of  the  process  is  at  Chavin.  Indeed,  in  the  lesser 
Chavin  stone  one  may  see  an  excellent  example  of  what  Mac- 
Curdy  describes  as  "transposition."26  It  is  to  be  observed  in 
the  breaking  up  of  the  hitherto  harmonious  and  comprehensible 
design  into  a  chaotic  melee  of  component  parts  and  ill-assorted 
decorative  motifs.  One  would  be  but  reasonable  in  thinking  the 
lesser  Chavin  stone  to  represent  the  art-stream,  which  we  have 
watched  so  long,  at  its  vanishing  point. 

Such,  then,  in  very  broad  outline,  is  the  general  trend  of  the 
evidence  afforded  by  a  study  of  the  application  of  the  four  great 
principles  to  Proto-Chimu,  Proto-Nasca  and  Tiahuanaco  II  art.27 
We  must  now  endeavor  to  interpret  the  evidence  in  terms  of 
probable  cultural  migration.  There  is  not  space  here  to  go  into 
a  detailed  comparative  analysis  of  the  minor  decorative  motifs 
in  Middle  American  and  South  American  cultures,  but  the  writer 
is  convinced  by  careful  study  that  the  evidence  of  such  an 
analysis  would  not  differ  from  that  afforded  by  the  broader  lines 
of  modification.28 

To  sum  up  the  whole  matter  briefly,  we  find  that  a  series  of 
closely  related  arts  is  associated  in  turn  with  Chimu,  Nasca, 
Tiahuanaco  (mountains  and  coast)  and  Chavin.  We  find  the 
art  a  little  older  step  by  step  as  we  go  from  one  of  these  regions 

26MacCurdy,  1911,  p.  127. 

27  One  piece  of  pottery,  reported  on  by  Uhle  (1913b,  p.  363).  almost  con- 
stitutes in  and  of  itself  a  proof  of  the  blending  or  fusion  of  Proto-Nasca 
art  into  Tiahuanaco  II  art.  The  vessel  in  question  is  a  shallow  bowl 
from  Tiahuanaco.  On  the  broad  rim  is  painted,  in  easily  recognizable 
Proto-Nasca  style,  a  serpent,  the  head  of  which  is  strikingly  like  the 
puma  heads  so  often  found  in  Tiahuanaco  II  art.  The  fact  that  the  vessel 
comes  from  Tiahuanaco  proves  that  Proto-Nasca  art  was  carried  thither, 
and  the  association  of  it  with  Tiahuanaco  II  art  on  the  same  vessel  proves 
their  close  relationship. 

28  The  reader's  attention  is  here  called  to  the  art  of  Chiriqui.  In  many 
ways  strikingly  similar  both  in  form  and  in  content  to  the  three  early 
Peruvian  arts,  the  art  of  Chiriqui  is  also  similar  to  them  in  the  matter  of 
its  development  toward  conventionalism  from  realism.  It  may  well  be 
that  some  day  a  close  connection  will  be  proved  between  the  earliest 
(realistic)  forms  of  Chiriqui  art  and  the  earliest  (realistic)  forms  of 
Peruvian  art.  The  reader  is  urged  to  consult  the  following  works : 
MacCurdy,  1906,  1911,  pp.  127  ff.,  1913 ;  Holmes,  1885,  1887;  Joyce,  1916, 
pp.  144  ff. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  369 

to  the  next,  a  little  older,  that  is,  in  point  of  development ;  the 
age  in  point  of  time  from  our  own  day  decreases  as  we  go  up 
the  series  of  sites.  This  does  not  mean,  however,  that  one  site 
was  abandoned  before  the  next  began  to  flourish.  In  fact,  the 
evidence  proves  that  the  first  and  last  steps  have  much  in  com- 
mon, and  that  they  must  have  been  at  least  partly  contemporary. 
The  opinion  of  the  writer  is  that  one  should  conceive  of  the 
slowly  ageing  art  as  the  result  of  a  slow  spread  of  related  peo- 
ples in  several  directions  during  a  long  time.  While  the  spread 
was  going  on  new  sites  were  founded  and  new  phases  of  the 
common  art-ideal  developed,  but  neither  the  old  settlements  nor 
the  old  phases  of  art  were  thereby  at  once  robbed  of  vigor. 
What  the  political  status  of  these  people  was  we  shall  never 
know.  We  must  remain  content  with  what  evidence  we  can 
wring  from  the  vestiges  of  their  culture. 

4.    A  CRITICAL  ANALYSIS  OF  THE  EPIGONAL  AND 
RED-WHITE-BLACK  CULTURES. 

So  far,  we  have  studied  three  cultures  which  we  have  just 
seen  to  be  intimately  linked  together  by  lines  of  cultural  descent. 
We  have  hitherto  considered  a  cultural  series  that  spread  from 
the  coast  to  the  mountains.  We  have  now  come  to  a  fork  in 
that  stream. 

It  is  clear  from  the  evidence  presented  by  the  architectural 
remains  and  by  the  artifacts  that  the  three  cultures  so  far  con- 
sidered were  of  a  high  order.  What  brought  the  last  of  them, 
the  Tiahuanaco  II  culture,  to  a  close  we  can  but  guess  at  this 
distant  date.  It  is  clear  enough,  however,  that  at  the  end  of 
the  Tiahuanaco  II  period  something  happened  which  checked 
the  development  of  civilization  in  both  mountains  and  coast. 
Vague  whispers  of  the  cataclysm  persisted  in  the  folklore  of  the 
country  down  to  Spanish,  and  even  into  our  own,  times.  The 
early  chroniclers  report  the  traditions  of  the  event  in  various 
ways,  none  of  which  needs  to  be  particularized  here.  In  the 
nature  of  the  case,  the  character  of  the  catastrophe  must  have 
been  gigantic  in  order  to  bring  about  the  far-reaching  results 
that  it  did.  Whether  it  was  a  terrible  earthquake,  an  invasion 
of  savage  peoples  or  some  great  epidemic  of  disease  or  a  com- 
bination of  these  things  we  cannot  tell.     We  only  know  that  in 


370  Philip  Ainszvorth  Means, 

the  Titicaca  drainage  the  result  was  a  sudden  and  very  marked 
lowering  of  the  culture-level,  while  on  the  coast  and  in  other 
regions  remote  from  Lake  Titicaca  the  subsidence  in  culture, 
though  noticeable,  was  not  so  marked.  One  more  thing  seems 
to  be  disclosed  by  known  facts.  As  we  have  seen,  Tiahuanaco 
II  art  spread  far  from  Tiahuanaco  itself.  As  we  shall  see,  a 
decadent  form  of  Tiahuanaco  II  art  lingers  on  around  the  edges 
of  the  old  Tiahuanaco  "Empire."  It  is  chiefly  at  Tiahuanaco 
itself  and  in  the  region  between  Lake  Titicaca  and  Cuzco  that 
the  drop  in  culture  is  most  noticeable.  This  would  seem  to 
indicate  that  the  cataclysm,  whatever  it  was,  took  place  in  the 
mountain  regions.  The  divergence  in  culture-level  that  thus 
sprang  up  between  the  mountain  regions  and  the  coast  resulted 
in  a  wide  breach  between  the  later  arts  of  the  two  regions.29 

The  cultures  which  we  are  to  consider  in  this  section  are  both 
coast  cultures.  The  "Epigonal"  art  is  mainly  identified  with 
the  southern  parts  of  the  coast — Pachacamac,  Nasca  and  lea — 
where  the  influence  of  the  Tiahuanaco  II  period  had  been 
strongest.     Uhle  is  the  scientist  to  whom  the  most  credit  for 


29  The  author  thinks  that  it  is  only  fair  to  warn  his  reader  here  that 
the  explanation  offered  to  account  for  the  marked  lack  of  connection 
between  Tiahuanaco  II  art  and  Inca  art  is  open  to  a  number  of  objections. 
In  the  first  place,  if  Tiahuanaco  II  influence  did  spread  into  the  Cuzco 
region,  it  must  inevitably  have  left  its  stamp  upon  the  art  of  that  region. 
Archaeology  does  not  permit  us  to  deny  that  Tiahuanaco  II  art  did  spread 
to  Cuzco, — and  far  beyond  it.  Why,  then,  is  there  so  little  of  Tiahuanaco 
influence  in  Cuzco  or  Inca  art?  Why  is  there  not  at  Cuzco,  as  at 
Titicaca,  Koati  and  Tiahuanaco,  an  intermediate  type  of  art  which, 
though  much  lower  in  grade  than  Tiahuanaco  II  art,  still  preserves  some 
vestiges  of  the  old  tradition?  If  the  forces  that  brought  the  Tiahuanaco 
II  art  in  the  Titicaca  drainage  to  an  end  .were  unable  completely  to 
obliterate  the  older  style  of  that  region,  why  were  they  so  much  stronger 
at  Cuzco  than  at  Tiahuanaco  that  they  were  able  to  wipe  out  completely 
the  older  art?  An  answer  to  these  three  questions,  which  were  suggested 
by  Dr.  Roland  B.  Dixon,  may  perhaps  be  found  in  the  study  of  the  dis- 
tribution in  Peru  of  the  type  of  culture  represented  by  the  Colla-Chulpa 
type.  An  examination  of  this  distribution  shows  that  Colla-Chulpa  culture, 
or  something  very  like  it,  is  found  throughout  the  Peruvian  highlands 
from  Bolivia  to  Cuelap  in  Chachapoyas.  It  is  not  like  the  coast  cultures 
of  the  time  (that  is,  the  period  just  before  the  rise  of  the  Incas).  Place- 
names,  it  is  true,  have  a  character  remotely  suggestive  of  the  coast,  but 
this  may  have  been  the  result  of  Inca  mitimaes   (transferred  colonies). 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  371 

the  study  of  this  period  should  be  given,  and  the  reader  is  urged 
to  examine  some  of  his  Plates.30  When  we  compare  Tiahu- 
anaco  II  art  with  "Epigonal"  we  at  once  see  wherein  the  dif- 
ference lies.  The  latter  is  but  an  unskillful  and  decadent  attempt 
to  continue  the  traditions  of  the  former.  Again  and  again  it 
is  possible  to  recognize  portions  of  well-remembered  Tiahuanaco 
II  motifs  on  "Epigonal"  artifacts,  but  always  the  latter  are 
far  inferior  to  their  prototype  in  both  line  and  color.  So  close 
is  the  resemblance  sometimes  that  one  would  be  tempted  to 
say  that  the  "Epigonal"  things  were  indeed  made  in  the  Tiahu- 
anaco II  period,  but  by  unskilled  artists.  This,  however,  is  inter- 
dicted by  the  irrefutable  stratigraphic  evidence.  The  "Epigonal" 
wares  and  textiles  occur  in  later  strata  than  the  Tiahuanaco  II 
artifacts.  The  Weeping  God,  the  puma-heads,  the  bird-figures 
and  many  other  Tiahuanaco  II  motifs  occur  again  in  "Epigonal" 
art. 

Closely  associated  with  the  "Epigonal"  art  is  another  art- 
type  which,  for  want  of  a  better  name,  we  call  red-white-black 
ware  after  the  colors  in  which  it  is  painted.  This  type  is  asso- 
ciated with  the  coast  from  Pachacamac  northwards  to  Trujillo 
(Chimu)  and  even  beyond;  it  occurs  in  the  same  strata  with 
"Epigonal"  at  Pachacamac,  which  proves  the  approximate  con- 
temporaneity of  the  two.  Our  Plate  XI,  Figures  1  and  2,  shows 
two  excellent  examples  of  this  ware.  The  originals,  in  the 
Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  came  from  Recuay,  north- 
ern coast  region.  The  colors  are  red,  white  and  black.  In 
Figure  1  we  see  a  dragon-like  figure  that  is  very  distinctive  of 
this  site.  As  Joyce  points  out,31  it  is  very  similar  to  a  motif 
found  on  some  Proto-Chimu  vases,  and  a  crude  derivative  of 
it  appears  in  northwestern  Argentina.  In  the  face  that  adorns 
the  front  of  the  vessel's  neck  we  perceive  a  very  strong  tinge 
of  Proto-Chimu  tradition.  The  ear-plugs  and  headdress  are 
both  reminiscent  of  the  analogous  portions  of  the  vase  shown 
in  Plate  I,  Figure  2.  A  great  deal  less  skill  in  modelling  is 
shown,  however. 

To  sum  up  the  features  of  the  "Epigonal"  and  red-white-black 
arts,  we  may  say  that  each  flourished  in  the  area  in  which  the 

30  Uhle,  1903,  Plates  V  and  VI. 
81  Joyce,  1912,  p.  183. 


37 2  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

previous  culture  from  which  it  derived  most  of  its  characteristics 
had  flourished.  This  explains  why  "Epigonal"  art,  which  differs 
from  Tiahuanaco  II  only  in  its  imperfection,  throve  in  the  region 
where  Tiahuanaco  II  had  been  at  its  best,  and  why  red- white- 
black  art,  similar  in  many  respects  to  Proto-Chimu,  existed  in 
the  same  territory  as  the  latter.  On  the  whole,  this  period  was 
one  of  stagnation.  At  any  rate,  nothing  appears  to  have  been 
done  to  advance  the  development  of  art  in  Peru. 

Of  what  went  on  in  the  mountains  during  this  period  we  know 
absolutely  nothing.  Perhaps  the  shock  caused  by  the  putative 
cataclysm  had  been  so  great  as  to  result  in  a  state  of  affairs 
almost  verging  on  savagery.  There  is  a  possibility  that  it  was 
at  the  beginning  of  this  period  that  the  very  low-cultured  Urus 
entered  the  Titicaca  basin.     They  came  from  the  south.32 

5.     CRITICAL  ANALYSIS  OF  THE  CHIMU  AND  NASCA 

CULTURES. 

As  we  have  already  noted,  we  know  something  definite  in 
regard  to  the  political,  social  and  ethnological  aspects  of  the 
people  of  this  period.  It  will  be  our  task  in  the  present  section 
to  study  their  art,  and  in  doing  so  we  shall  observe  several  close 
similarities  between  this  coast-culture  and  the  Proto-Chimu  and 
Proto-Nasca  cultures.  We  can  but  hope  that  the  close  artistic 
correspondence  between  the  two  is  a  token  of  social  corre- 
spondence. 

The  distinctive  ware  of  the  Chimu  period  is  the  black  ware 
that  comes  from  the  northern  half  of  the  coast  and  from  various 
regions  here  and  there  in  the  highlands.  Though  the  ware  in 
question  has  a  wide  distribution,  one  may  generalize  by  saying 
that  it  is  especially  distinctive  of  the  northern  half  of  the  coast. 

In  Plate  XI,  Figures  3,  4,  5,  and  6,  are  shown  four  very  good 
specimens  of  the  type.  The  originals  are  all  in  the  Peabody 
Museum,  Cambridge,  Mass.  Besides  the  fact  that  the  vessels 
are  made  of  black  clay,  another  new  and  distinctive  feature 
presents  itself.  This  is  the  important  part  played  by  bas-relief 
in  the  decoration  of  the  vessels.     In  every  case,  the  technique 

32  Chamberlain,  1910,  pp.  417  ff. ;    Bandelier,  1910,  pp.  36  ff. ;    Garcilasso, 
II,  pp.  224  ff. ;   Balboa,  1840,  Chap.  XI;   Boman,  1908,  p.  71 ;    Polo,  1901. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  373 

is  the  same  square-edged  variety  that  is  to  be  noted  in  the  bas- 
reliefs  on  the  monolithic  gateway.  This  similarity  may  or  may 
not  be  significant.  In  the  case  of  Figure  5  modelling  in  the 
round  also  plays  an  important  part,  and  the  human  head  with 
its  large  fan-shaped  headdress  recalls  some  of  the  figures  of 
Proto-Chimu  art.  A  further  development  of  this  headdress  is 
seen  on  some  of  the  specimens  in  the  American  Museum  of 
Natural  History.  The  development  takes  the  form  of  the  addi- 
tion of  great  plume-like  ornaments  that  rise  in  a  curve  from  the 
headdress  and  fall  down  on  both  sides  of  the  wearer's  face.  In 
decorations  with  this  motif  there  is  to  be  observed  a  very  marked 
residue  of  the  old  Tiahuanaco  II  tendency  toward  bilateral 
symmetry,  and  also  a  number  of  other  criteria  typical  of  that 
period.  For  example,  one  vessel  in  the  New  York  collection 
shows  a  personage  with  a  perfectly  symmetrical  plumed  helmet 
who  is  holding  two  staves  or  weapons  in  his  symmetrically 
arranged  four-digit  hands.  Indeed,  four-digit  hands  are  by 
no  means  uncommon  in  this  period.  It  was  a  tendency  inherited 
from  the  previous  periods.  A  great  many  vessels  however, 
like  Figure  4,  show  no  such  symmetry  and  lack  entirely  any 
seeming  resemblance  to  Tiahuanaco  II  art.  Indeed,  the  anthro- 
pomorphic figure  on  that  flask  seems  to  be  in  the  clutches  of  a 
creature  more  closely  resembling  the  dragon-like  animal  we 
noticed  in  connection  with  the  red-white-black  ware  than  any- 
thing else.  Again,  there  is  a  large  class  of  black  ware  vessels 
like  Figures  3  and  6  totally  devoid  of  either  anthropomorphic  or 
zoomorphic  decoration. 

If  skill  in  modelling  is  one  of  the  strong  points  of  Proto- 
Chimu  art,  it  is  so  of  Chimu  art  as  well.  Evidence  of  this  is 
given  by  the  large  class  of  "portraits"  in  both  black  ware 
and  in  red  ware.  Above  all,  the  modelled  vessels  representing 
peanuts,  potatoes,  guanacates,  squash,  paltas,  and  other  vegeta- 
bles and  fruits  are  especially  eloquent  of  the  high  artistic  capa- 
bilities of  the  potters  in  the  Chimu  period.  These  vessels  are 
adorned  with  modelled  forms  which,  except  in  the  matter  of 
color,  are  absolutely  true  to  nature. 

All  this  does  not  mean  to  imply  that  the  Chimu  people  used 
solely  this  black  clay  for  their  vessels.  The  black  is  emphasized 
merely  because  it  is  the  most  predominant  and  characteristic. 
Red  clay  painted  in  white  slip  was  used,  but  it  lacked  the  excel- 


374  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

leiice  and  the  diversity,  as  well  as  some  of  the  distinguishing 
motifs,  of  the  Proto-Chimu  pottery.  As  we  have  said,  "por- 
traits" continued  to  be  produced  in  this  period,  and  we  find 
them  in  both  black  ware  and  red.  It  is  often  difficult  definitely 
to  assign  a  "portrait"  to  one  or  the  other  of  the  two  possible 
periods. 

Still  other  striking  products  of  this  period  were  the  textiles 
and  the  stucco  wall-decorations  derived  from  them.  In  Plate 
XII,  Figures  I  and  2,  we  see  reproductions  of  textiles  of  this 
period.  Brighter  colored  cloths  with  animal  and  human  figures 
combined  with  conventional  ones  were  also  fairly  common. 
There  is,  however,  nothing  especially  new  about  them,  and  we 
would  better  take  up  the  very  remarkable  architectural  achieve- 
ments of  the  period.  Only  by  referring  to  Rivero  and  von 
Tschudi  and  to  Squier  can  one  get  a  really  adequate  view  of  the 
wonderful  city  of  the  Chimu  kings.33  Great  walls  thirty  feet  in 
height  and  ten  feet  thick  at  base  by  five  feet  thick  near  the  top 
are  distinguishing  features  of  one  type  of  ruins  of  the  Chimu 
period.  Another  type  does  not  have  a  tapering  cross-section. 
Adobe  is  the  usual  material,  of  course,  and  it  was  one  which 
lent  itself  admirably  to  the  construction  of  a  huge  city  of  dwell- 
ings, canals,  reservoirs,  gardens  and  palaces.  The  interior  sur- 
faces of  some  of  the  walls  are  decorated  with  arabesques  in 
stucco  which  arouse  hearty  admiration  in  the  beholder.  Squier 
gives  numerous  pictures  of  the  various  specimens  of  arabesque. 
We  will  content  ourselves  with  noting  three  main  classes  of 
arabesque.  The  simplest  type  is  that  of  the  three  specimens 
shown  by  Squier  (1877,  P-  154  Q,  as  consisting  of  lozenge- 
shaped  depressions,  or  square  ones,  let  into  the  surface  of  the 
wall  in  such  a  way  as  to  form  a  lattice  or  checker-board  pattern. 
In  the  same  class,  but  a  bit  more  elaborate,  is  the  design  which 
consists  of  a  raised  pattern  in  the  form  of  a  double  line  of 
stair-sign  design.34  The  second  type,  while  still  largely  geo- 
metric, is  obviously  derived  directly  from  textiles  of  the  type 
shown  in  Plate  XII,  Figure  1.  The  technique,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  simplest  type,  is  of  the  square-edged  variety.35  It  com- 
bines, like  the  textile-type  with  which  it  is  related,  a  mingling 


Rivero  y  von  Tschudi,  1851,  pp.  268  ff. ;   Squier,  1877,  pp.  135-192. 
Cf.  Middendorf,  1894-95,  H,  pp.  375  ff. 
Squier,  1877,  p.  137. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  375 

of  geometric  with  zoomorphic  elements.  The  third  and  final 
type  might  be  described  as  curvilinear  on  account  of  the 
predominance  of  curved  lines.  In  this  type  zoomorphic  and 
anthropomorphic  elements  play  a  very  important  part.  One 
decoration  of  this  final  type  seems  to  be  of  a  simpler  nature  than 
one  other.  It  is  made  up  of  a  series  of  large  hollow  squares 
in  stucco  relief.  Below  them  are  some  extraordinary  figures 
resembling  conventionalized  tapirs.  These  figures  have  their 
"probosces"  down  and  their  "legs"  to  the  observer's  right  with 
their  arched  "backs"  on  the  left.  There  are  two  of  them  under 
each  square.36  One  is  at  a  loss  to  explain  this  combination  of 
motifs  and  likewise  the  motifs  themselves.  More  comprehen- 
sible is  the  other  specimen  of  this  type.  It  is  distinguished  by  a 
very  rich  composition  (still  in  the  square-edged  technique)  made 
up  of  conventionalized  men,  birds,  fishes,  crabs,  lobsters  and  other 
such  things.  It  is  plainly  the  work  of  a  people  who  were  closely 
in  contact  with  the  sea.  Two  things  are  very  interesting  in 
connection  with  the  human  figures,  namely,  that  they  wear  pre- 
cisely the  same  headdress  as  the  figures  already  described  as 
occurring  on  the  pottery  of  this  period,  and  that,  like  those 
figures,  they  have  less  than  the  real  number  of  digits.  The 
crabs  and  lobsters  in  the  design  are  almost  life-like.  Interwoven 
with  these  elements  is  another  one  which  is  like  nothing  else  in 
Peruvian  art.  It  is  a  curving  device  not  unlike  a  W  on  which 
are  shown  some  of  the  animals  referred  to.  The  reader  is 
urged  to  turn  to  Plate  XVI  in  Joyce  (1912)  for  an  adequate 
presentation  of  this  remarkable  design. 

To  sum  up,  then,  our  impressions  of  Chimu  art,  we  will  say 
that  it  bears  a  general  and  marked  resemblance  to  the  Proto- 
Chimu,  both  in  the  subject-matter  and  in  the  treatment.  As  is 
only  natural,  there  are  accretions  from  the  intervening  arts,  new 
motifs  and  a  new  tendency  to  use  dark-colored  clay  for  vessels. 
Likewise,  it  is  not  difficult  to  see  in  the  remarkable  wall-decora- 
tions of  this  period  an  attempt  to  continue  the  tradition  of  richly 
carved  ornament  found  to  be  so  prominent  in  Tiahuanaco  II  art. 
The  choice  of  material — stucco — is  easy  to  explain  on  the  ground 
that  the  coast  people  were  already  used  to  stucco  as  a  wall- 
coating  and  that  suitable  stone  for  the  purpose  of  carving  into 
bas-reliefs  was  scarce  on  the  coast. 


See  Squier,  1877,  p.  154. 


376  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

Let  us  now  turn  to  a  brief  examination  of  the  same  period 
further  down  the  coast,  designated  by  the  name  of  Nasca.  The 
reader  is  urged  to  consult  Uhle,  1913b.  The  tradition  of  rich 
coloring  noticed  hitherto  in  the  southern  coast-region  did  not 
die  out  with  the  Tiahuanaco  period.  As  we  have  already  seen, 
the  Epigonal  period  carried  on  the  forms  of  Tiahuanaco  art  to 
the  point  where  they  were  on  the  verge  of  falling  to  pieces 
as  the  direct  result  of  too-long  repetition.  The  last  pre-Inca 
period  of  the  southern  coast  exhibits  an  art  which  derives  its 
color  from  both  the  Proto-Nasca  and  the  Tiahuanaco  periods 
and  which  still  preserves  a  few  of  the  motifs  that  mark  the 
latter  art.  Look,  for  example,  at  Plate  X,  Figure  9  of  Uhle, 
1913b.  On  the  vessel  there  shown  the  reader  will  notice  a  bird- 
figure  which  is  considerably  like  the  bird-figures  in  Tiahuanaco 
art  or  in  Epigonal.  All  the  other  motifs  on  the  vessel,  however, 
are  new,  and  they  are  distinctive  of  the  period  we  are  now 
studying.  At  the  same  time,  the  matter  of  pottery  forms  is  an 
interesting  one.  Besides  the  more  usual  bowls  and  dishes,  Nasca 
art  shows  a  new  pottery  form,  namely,  the  large  globular  vessel 
with  a  fairly  wide  flaring  neck.  In  most  cases,  it  should  be 
noted,  the  body  of  the  vessel  has  a  slight  tendency  to  be  oval 
rather  than  spherical.  In  the  Inca  period  this  tendency  becomes 
emphatic,  in  the  Nasca  region,  as  we  shall  see.  The  textiles 
of  this  period  are  practically  all  adorned  with  geometric  designs. 
Our  old  friend  the  "stair-sign"  is  a  motif  that  is  often  found. 
Color  in  the  textiles  becomes  duller. 

To  sum  up  the  period  just  before  the  Inca  period  on  the  coast 
in  one  sentence  we  may  say  that  the  northern  half  of  the  littoral 
preserved  the  old  tendency  toward  modelled  forms  in  pottery  and 
toward  animal  forms  in  textile-designs,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
that  the  southern  half  of  the  coast  continued  to  make  many- 
colored  pottery  although  both  the  pottery  and  the  textiles  show 
a  preponderance  of  geometric  forms  over  life  forms.  In  both 
parts  of  the  coast  it  was  essentially  a  period  in  which  creative 
forces  of  the  race's  imagination  were  at  a  low  ebb.  This  may  be 
indicative  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  other  branches  of  human 
activity  at  that  time.  The  old  culture  of  Tiahuanaco  had  died 
away  from  some  shock  at  the  centre  and  the  communities  on 
the  coast  that  had  been  dependent  on  it  for  artistic  stimulation 
fell  into  a  period  of  stagnation  which  was  only  brought  to  a 
close  by  the  Inca  invasion. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  377 


6.    A  CRITICAL  ANALYSIS  OF  LATE  INCA  OR  CUZCO  ART. 

In  Inca  art  we  come  to  the  last  phase  of  aboriginal  art  in 
Peru,  Ecuador,  Bolivia,  Chile  and  Argentina.  As  the  type  from 
which  all  variants  of  the  Inca  types  were  derived  was  peculiar 
to  Cuzco  and  its  region,  we  will  examine  the  art  of  that  district 
before  tracing  its  spread  over  the  wide  area  it  eventually  covered. 
As  we  have  noted  before,  the  collection  of  pottery  and  other 
artifacts  made  by  the  various  Yale  Peruvian  Expeditions  in  the 
Cuzco  region  is  the  most  representative  collection  of  Cuzco  pot- 
tery now  in  this  country.  The  articles  by  Dr.  Bingham  show 
excellently  well  the  nature  of  the  site  in  which  most  of  these 
things  were  found.37  Important  also  for  our  purposes,  is  the 
recent  publication  by  Dr.  Eaton.38  The  evidence  presented  by 
him  proves  conclusively  that  most  of  the  burials  at  Machu 
Picchu  are  relatively  recent,  probably  dating  not  farther  back 
than  sixty  or  eighty  years  before  the  Conquest.  Since  this  is 
so,  we  must  assume  that  the  artifacts  from  there  are  also  recent. 
None  have  been  found  that  are  pre-Inca. 

Besides  the  Yale  collection,  that  in  Berlin  and  that  of  Dr. 
Caparo  Muhiz  at  Cuzco  are  the  best  two.39  It  will  be  well  to 
note  that  the  late  Inca  period  which  we  are  now  to  discuss 
includes  the  reigns  of  the  last  three  unmolested  Incas :  Pachacutec, 
Tupac  Yupanqui  and  Huayna  Capac.  The  period  began,  prob- 
ably, somewhat  after  1400.  When  Inca  Pachacutec  assumed 
the  red  fringe  of  sovereignty  the  Inca  dominion  already  included 
most  of  the  territory  between  Chincha  and  Huanuco  on  the 
north  and  Arica  and  Tucuman  on  the  south.  It  was  extended 
by  Pachacutec  and  his  successors  so  as  to  include  all  the  territory 
between  the  northern  part  of  the  modern  Ecuador  and  the  River 
Maule  in  Chile  and  between  the  ocean  and  the  montaha  or  forest- 
region.  In  the  last  days  just  before  the  Spanish  conquest,  when 
the  ill-fated  Atahualpa  was  Inca,  Quito,  Cajamarca,  Cuzco  and 
the  island  of  Titicaca  were  the  chief  centres  of  importance. 
Cuzco  still  remained  the  capital.40 


"Bingham,  1913,  1915,  1915b,  1916. 

38  Eaton,  1916. 

39  Seler,  1893. 

40  Cf.  Means,  1917;   Pedro  Sancho,  1840. 


378  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

We  will  first  discuss  the  matter  of  forms  in  Cuzco  (i.  e.  Inca) 
pottery  before  taking  up  that  of  decorative  motifs.  First  comes 
the  stately  aryballus,  at  once  the  most  typical  Cuzco  form  and 
the  most  universally  adopted  one  wherever  Inca  power  pene- 
trated. Our  Plate  XIII  shows  two  good  examples  of  this  type. 
There  are  several  sub-types  of  aryballi.  A  tentative  classifica- 
tion is  to  be  offered  later.  Next  in  order  of  frequency  of  occur- 
rence come  the  beaker  type,  shown  in  Plate  XV,  Figure  2,  the 
pelike  type,  Plate  XIV,  Figure  1,  the  bowl,  dish  and  numerous 
other  forms. 

In  the  matter  of  decoration  we  find  that  the  geometric  figures 
are  in  a  large  majority  over  anthropomorphic  or  zoomorphic 
ones.  At  the  same  time,  modelled  ornament,  save  for  the  uni- 
versal cat's-head  nubbin,  is  found  to  be  essentially  foreign  to 
Inca  pottery.  It  does  occur,  of  course,  but  it  is  an  extraneous 
element.  (Plate  XIV,  Figure  3;  Plate  XV,  Figures  3  and  4.) 
By  far  the  greater  part  of  Inca  pottery  decorations  are  made 
up  of  combinations  of  a  comparatively  small  number  of  motifs. 
We  will  describe  several  of  these.  One  of  the  most  widespread 
is  that  seen  in  Plate  XIII,  Figure  1.  An  old  Indian  at  Cuzco 
told  the  writer  that  the  design  represented  a  conventionalized 
quipu  or  knot-record  and  that  the  design  was  applied  particularly 
to  the  vessels  of  the  quipucamayoc  who  looked  after  the  quipus. 
Without  accepting  this  as  an  absolute  fact,  we  will  call  this 
design  the  "quipu-motif."  Another  frequently  seen  motif  is  the 
meander  (Plate  XIII,  Figure  2).  A  third  is  the  lines-and- 
cross  motif  (Plate  XIV,  Figure  1).  A  fourth  we  will  call  the 
"diamond  motif"  (Plate  XIV,  Figure  3).  A  fifth  might  be 
described  as  the  "saw-tooth  motif"  (Plate  XIV,  Figure  3). 
There  are  numerous  other  motifs  that  might  be  enumerated  if 
space  permitted,  but  the  five  named  are  the  commonest  and  one 
rarely  finds  a  vessel  of  Inca  type  that  has  not  at  least  one  of 
them  upon  it.  In  regard  to  color  the  Inca  or  Cuzco  type  is 
rather  sombre.  Black,  dark  brown,  light  brown,  red  and  some 
white  are  the  usual  tints. 

Cuzco  types  tend  to  vary  but  little  from  the  original  model. 
Nevertheless,  local  variations  do  occur  in  several  regions,  and 
in  the  Inca  pottery  at  Cuzco  itself  marked  influences  from  the 
arts  of  subjugated  peoples  are  to  be  seen.     We  shall  take  up 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  379 

in   turn  our   consideration   of   these  departures   from   the   usual 
type. 

It  may  be  said  that  the  Inca  dominion  spread  first  south  then 
north.  The  Inca  artifacts  found  in  northern  sites  are,  on  that 
account,  likely  to  be  more  recent  than  those  found  in  the  southern 
sites.  In  Argentina  and  Chile  Inca  vessels  are  frequently  met 
with.  Boman  (1908,  I,  Plate  X)  shows  two  aryballi  from  Lapaya 
in  north-western  Argentina.  The  shape  of  the  vessels  and  the 
arrangement  of  handles  and  nubbins  are  exactly  the  same  as  in 
vessels  from  Cuzco  or  Machu  Picchu.  The  pattern  on  the  better 
of  the  two  pots  is  divided  into  two  motifs  which  are  the  "diamond 
motif"  in  two  forms,  and  a  debased  form  of  the  "saw-tooth 
motif."  Boman's  Plates  XI  and  XIV  (vol.  I)  show  other 
Cuzco-type  vessels  from  Lapaya  which  do  not  call  for  special 
mention.  His  Plate  XVIII  (vol.  I)  shows  two  aryballi  from  the 
Argentine  site  of  Lerma.  One  shows  the  "saw-tooth  motif" 
and  the  "diamond  motif."  The  other  combines  a  perfect  Cuzco 
shape  with  a  well-modelled  snake  whose  head  is  near  the  neck 
of  the  vessel  and  slightly  raised  as  if  to  strike.  In  general,  then, 
these  designs,  though  obviously  derived  directly  from  Cuzco 
prototypes  and  totally  unrelated  to  any  other  Peruvian  art,  are 
marred  in  some  cases  by  a  crudeness  and  uncertainty  of  execu- 
tion that  may,  perhaps,  be  attributed  to  a  lack  of  skill  on  the 
part  of  local  makers.  An  examination  of  Cuzco  pottery  from 
Chilean  sites  reveals  a  similar  situation.  Oyarzun  (1910,  p. 
363  ff.)  shows  six  Inca  or  Cuzco  aryballi  from  places  in  northern 
Chile.  In  three  cases  both  shape  and  decoration  are  of  the  best 
Cuzco  style,  but  in  the  other  three  the  designs,  though  derived 
directly  from  Inca  ones,  are  crude  in  point  of  execution.  Turn- 
ing our  attention  to  Ecuadorian  sites  we  find  that  the  state  of 
affairs  is  much  the  same  as  in  the  far  south  of  the  Inca  dominion. 
Dorsey  (1901,  Plate  XLII)  shows  a  fine  Inca  aryballus  from 
the  island  of  La  Plata  in  the  Bay  of  Guayaquil.  It  is  exactly 
of  the  same  shape  as  the  Cuzco  of  Machu  Picchu  vessels  and 
it  is  adorned  with  the  "quipu  motif."  Bamps  (1879,  Plates  II, 
III,  and  IV)  shows  many  Inca  vessels  from  points  further  north 
and  east  in  Ecuador.  Again,  both  in  "shape  and  in  the  execu- 
tion of  the  designs,  these  vessels  could  not  be  told  apart  from  simi- 
lar ones  from  Cuzco  or  Machu  Picchu.     So  far  as  archaeological 


Trans.  Conn.  Acad.,  Vol.  XXI  26 


1917 


380  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

work  has  thus  far  shown,  the  potters  of  the  north  were  more 
successful  in  their  attempts  to  copy  the  Cuzco  style  than  were 
those  of  the  south.  We  should  bear  in  mind,  however,  the  likeli- 
hood that  cruder  specimens  of  vessels  of  the  Inca  type  have  not 
been  reported  on.  A  vessel  from  Ibarra,  Ecuador,  is  noteworthy 
in  this  connection.  It  is  shown  by  Seler  ( 1893,  Plate  48,  Figure 
20).  It  is  an  aryballus,  but  the  graceful  shape  of  the  prototype 
is  not  preserved  in  this  copy;  the  flowing  line  that,  in  the  Cuzco 
vessels,  merges  the  neck  with  the  body  is  here  broken  by  a 
pronounced  shoulder.  The  decoration,  however,  combines  the 
"quipu  motif"   with  the   "diamond  motif." 

It  may  seem  odd  at  first  that  the  widest  divergences  from 
the  Cuzco  standard  do  not  occur  in  the  regions  furthest  from 
Cuzco.  Pachacamac  and  lea  are  the  two  sites  which  show  the 
most  strongly  localized  arts.  The  reader  is  urged  to  consult 
Uhle's  publications  on  this  point.41  In  the  period  that  preceded 
the  Inca  period  at  Pachacamac,  as  we  have  seen,  the  people  made 
a  great  number  of  black  clay  vessels  with  one-handled  globular 
bodies  and  necks  adorned  with  rather  coarsely  modelled  human 
faces.  The  combination  of  this  art  with  Inca  vessels  of  the 
aryballus  type  resulted  at  Pachacamac  in  giving  two  handles  to 
the  vessels  and  in  adding  paint  to  the  modelled  face.  We  should 
not  fail  to  note  that  in  many  cases  where  the  hands  appear  in 
the  Inca  vessels  they  have  five  fingers.  This  emphasizes  the 
breaking  away  from  the  old  Tiahuanaco  tradition.  At  lea,  as 
we  have  previously  observed,  large  vessels  of  a  slightly  oval 
shape  were  made  in  the  last  pre-Inca  period.  These  develop 
into  a  definitely  egg-shaped  or  cask-shaped  type  decorated  some- 
times with  Inca  motifs  and  sometimes  with  Nasca  motifs. 

This  brings  us  to  the  consideration  of  the  other  type  of  varia- 
tion from  the  Cuzco  standard.  It  is  the  class  of  variation  which 
consists  in  a  manifestation  of  the  influence  of  local  pre-Inca  arts 
on  the  Cuzco  type.  The  reader  has  just  seen  the  effect  that  Inca 
art  had  upon  the  modelled  black  ware  of  the  coast.  He  is  now 
asked  to  turn  his  attention  to  its  corollary,  the  type  which  shows 
the  influence  of  the  black  ware  of  the  coast  upon  the  Cuzco 
types.  In  Plate  XV,  Figure  4,  we  have  an  excellent  specimen  of 
this  class.    Though  both  come  from  Machu  Picchu,  Figure  3  may 

41Uhle,  1903,  Plates  VIII  and  XIII,  1913b,  Plate  X. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art..  381 

well  be  the  coast-form  which  served  as  a  model  for  the  other. 
In  both  examples  there  is  but  one  handle,  and  the  general  shape 
is  the  same  in  both.  Figure  4,  however,  is  definitely  associated 
with  Inca  art  by  the   "quipu  motif"   on  its  body. 

We  will  now  draw  up  a  classification  of  Inca  pottery  on  a 
basis  of  form  and  decoration : 

Type        I     Large  open-necked  vessels  (often  painted  with  geo- 
metric designs). 

a     Deep  bowls  without  handles    (Seler,    1893, 

Plate  I), 
b     Various   types   with   handles    gradually    ap- 
proaching aryballus. 
Type      II     Aryballus    type.      Narrow    neck,    two   handles    and 
nubbin. 

a     With  geometric  designs  only. 

b     With  painted    designs    both    geometric    and 

animal, 
c     With  modelled  anthropomorphic  element  and 

painted  design  in  combination, 
d     Miscellaneous  sub-types. 

Type    III     Plates,  bowls,  braziers,  cups,  etc. 

a     With  geometric  designs. 

b     With  animal  or  human  designs. 

c     With  both. 
Type    IV     Miscellaneous  beakers,  bottles  and  pots. 

We  must  now  turn  our  attention  to  the  question  of  Inca  or 
Cuzco  textiles.  To  the  modern  eye  they  appear  the  most  beau- 
tiful of  all  Peruvian  textiles.  As  we  shall  see,  however,  they 
are  not  technically  so  wonderful  as  the  Proto-Nasca  embroideries. 
Plates  XVI  and  XVII  show  four  typical  Inca  textiles.  A  glance 
will  show  the  reader  that  those  on  Plate  XVI  are  of  a  very  dif- 
ferent type  from  the  other  two.  They  come  from  the  island  of 
Titicaca,  and  the  originals  are  in  the  American  Museum  of 
Natural  History,  New  York.  In  Plate  XVI  it  is  seen  that  the 
decorative  tendency  is  to  break  the  surface  up  into  small  patches 
of  color.  This  same  tendency  may  be  remarked  on  Inca  pottery 
from  the  same  site.  The  number  of  decorative  motifs  is  too 
great  to  dwell  upon  at  length ;  we  shall  have  to  content  ourselves 
with  noting  that  the  motif  which  consists  in  a  slanting  band 
ended  off  by  two  squares  each  containing  a  dot,  which  squares 
are  repeated  on  each  side  of  the  band,  occurs  on  an  Inca  cloth 


382  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

from  lea.42  Variants  of  the  "saw-tooth  motif"  and  of  the 
"diamond  motif"  are  present  in  each  of  these  ponchos,  recalling 
the  Inca  pottery.  Both  also  show  the  frequent  use  of  rectilinear 
spirals.  Plate  XVII,  Figure  1,  is  also  a  poncho  from  the  island 
of  Titicaca.  It  is  in  several  shades  of  red  and  has  a  white 
cruciform  figure  much  like  that  on  the  cask-shaped  vessel  from 
lea  shown  by  Uhle  (1913b,  Plate  X,  A).  Figure  2  comes  from 
the  coast  and  shows  a  slight  influence,  in  the  form  of  cat-like 
figures,  from  the  Chimu  period. 

We  must  now  summarize  our  impressions  of  Inca  art.  We 
may  do  so  by  saying  that  geometric  decoration  has  a  great  pre- 
ponderance over  animal  or  human  motifs.  While  Inca  pottery 
derives  most  of  its  charm  from  its  graceful  form,  it  is  by  no 
means  to  be  despised  because  it  has  not  a  great  range  of  color. 
The  designs  are  usually  simple  but  pleasing,  and  in  most  cases 
they  are  peculiar  to  Inca  art.  In  the  textiles  the  same  tendency 
toward  geometric  designs  is  to  be  noted,  although  here  again 
other  elements  do  occasionally  play  a  part.  In  general,  the  color 
of  the  textiles  is  brighter  and  more  various  than  that  of  the 
pottery. 


Uhle,  1913b,  p.  344. 


IV.     THE  QUESTION  OF  CHRONOLOGY  AND  DATES 
IN  EARLY  PERUVIAN  ART 

As  was  said  at  the  beginning  of  the  paper,  the  writer,  after 
surveying  the  development  of  art  in  ancient  Peru,  wishes  to 
present  a  date-chronology  of  the  various  cultures.  The  dates 
here  to  be  presented  are  only  approximate.  In  the  nature  of 
things,  we  must  be  prepared  to  allow  for  an  error  of  a  century 
or  more  in  the  remoter  epochs. 

It  is  necessary  that  a  word  should  be  said  as  to  the  methods 
employed  in  drawing  up  the  chronology.  In  the  total  lack  of 
all  written  records  of  any  sort  we  have  to  meet  a  great  obstacle. 
This  is  partly  overcome  by  certain  things  which  we  will  speak 
of  soon.  Moreover,  tradition,  which  sometimes  does  much  to 
aid  in  the  establishment  of  an  approximate  chronology,  is  here 
limited  almost  wholly  to  the  Inca  period.  These  are  the  chief 
disadvantages  to  be  met  with.  We  will  now  examine  the 
conditions  which  are  more  favorable  to  our  end. 

In  trying  to  construct  a  date-chronology  for  the  various  higher 
cultures  of  the  Andean  region,  one  must  bear  in  mind  that  it 
is  inherently  improbable  that  the  cultures  of  South  America 
possess  an  antiquity  greater  than  those  of  Middle  America.  The 
researches  of  Dr.  Hrdlicka  have  clearly  shown  this  improbability. 
He  has  shown  four  very  important  truths:  (i)  Man  is  zoolog- 
ically a  newcomer  in  this  hemisphere;  (2)  Man,  when  he  arrived 
on  this  continent,  was  in  a  stage  of  culture  "superior  to  that  of 
the  late  Pleistocene"  ;  (3)  Man,  since  arriving  in  this  hemisphere, 
has  inevitably  undergone  certain  secondary  modifications  as  to 
physical  type  and  culture ;  (4)  There  exists  to-day  in  north- 
eastern Asia  a  racial  element  that  is  descended  from  the  same 
ancestors  as  the  American  Indians.1 

Since,  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  zoologist,  Man  is  an  Old 
World  animal  that  reached  America  by  way  of  Siberia  and  the 
Aleutian  Islands,  it  must  be  assumed  that  the  northern  parts  of 
the  continent  were  peopled  sooner  than  the  southern  parts.  This 
supposition  applies  to  any  tribes,  no  matter  what  their  cultural 
grade  may  be.     Nor  is  mythology  lacking  in  indications  of  the 

1  Cf.  Hrdlicka,  1912,  1912b,  1912c,  1912c!. 


384  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

southwardly  shift  of  the  high-cultured  people  of  the  west  coast 
of  South  America.  In  the  face  of  all  this,  then,  the  onus  pro- 
bandi  rests  upon  him  who  would  maintain  that  the  South  Ameri- 
can populations  are  older  than  the  North  American  or  Middle 
American.2 

Let  us,  then,  assume  for  the  purposes  of  the  present  discussion 
that  Man  entered  America  from  the  north  and  slowly  spread 
southward.  The  primary  migrations  of  Man  in  America  have 
a  southward  trend.  His  secondary  migrations  often  do  not. 
In  the  Middle  American  region  (Mexico,  Yucatan,  Guatemala, 
Honduras,  Salvador,  Nicaragua,  Costa  Rica  and  Panama)  we 
have  a  number  of  very  high  cultures.  Those  of  Mexico  and 
Yucatan  are,  in  many  respects,  as  high  or  higher  than  those  we 
have  been  studying.  Up  to  about  752  A.  D.  all  is  vague  and 
uncertain  as  to  cultural  events  in  Mexico.  In  or  about  that  year, 
however,  the  Toltecs  founded  Tula.3  More  important  for  us 
is  the  cultural  type  described  by  Tozzer  as  "archaic."  It  is 
much  older  than  the  Toltec  culture  and  much  more  widespread. 
Indeed,  we  may  say  that  the  archaic  type  occurs  scatteringly 
from  the  valley  of  Mexico  down  to  Panama.4  It  will  perhaps 
be  proved  to  be  the  ancestor  of  most  of  the  later  high  cultures 
of  Middle  and  South  America.  At  any  rate,  the  meager  seven 
centuries  from  the  founding  of  Tula  to  the  Spanish  conquest 
is  obviously  not  long  enough  to  account  for  the  development  and 
wide  distribution  of  the  calendar-system  and  the  various  related 
dialects  in  Middle  America.  We  must  assume  that  the  people 
of  the  archaic  period  flourished  long  before  the  time  when  the 
earliest  high  cultures  of  Middle  America  began  to  develop  their 
own  peculiarities,  peculiarities  which,  however,  never  succeeded 
in  blotting  out  the  fact  that  all  the  cultures  had  a  common  origin.5 


2  This  is  not  the  place  to  go  into  the  question  of  geologically  ancient  man 
in  America.  Those  .who  wish  to  do  so  are  urged  to  read  Hrdlicka,  1912, 
and  the  numerous  works  listed  in  the  Bibliography  of  that  publication. 
All  that  it  is  necessary  to  say  here  is  that  Hrdlicka  has  shown  the  extreme 
unlikelihood  of  the  existence  of  any  of  the  morphologically  primitive  types 
of  men  in  America. 

3  Tozzer,  1916,  p.  464. 

4  Tozzer,  1916,  p.  466;  Spinden,  1915;  see  Appendix  for  discussion  of 
"archaic  type." 

5  Means,  1917. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  385 

In  Yucatan  we  can  fairly  carry  the  beginning  of  protohistory 
back  many  centuries.  This  is  largely  due  to  the  work  of  Mr. 
Bowditch  and  to  that  of  Mr.  Morley.6  As  the  present  writer 
has  explained  elsewhere,  the  difference  between  the  chronologies 
of  these  two  authors  is  neither  serious  nor  great.  The  earliest 
dated  Maya  remains  are,  respectively,  the  Tuxtla  statuette  and 
the  Leyden  plate.  The  former  bears  the  Maya  date  8.6.2.4.17 
(about  100  B.  C.)  ;  the  date  on  the  latter  is  8.14.3. 1. 12  (about 
40  A.  D.).7  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  these  inscriptions  are  so 
early,  the  system  in  which  the  dates  are  set  down  is  absolutely 
the  same  as  that  in  which  those  of  the  "Old  Empire"  cities 
in  southern  Yucatan  are  written.  The  significance  of  this  is, 
of  course,  that  even  so  early  as  100  B.  C.  the  Mayas  had  gone 
through  the  centuries-long  process  of  evolving  their  calendar 
system.  We  must  postulate,  in  Mr.  Morley's  opinion,  at  least  a 
thousand  years  of  preparatory  development.8  This  period  of 
development  should  be  understood  to  include  the  migrations  of 
the  various  branches  of  the  original  stock  to  the  place  in  which 
they  are  found  in  later  eras.  From  about  the  time  of  Christ 
to  the  end  of  the  seventh  century  the  "Old  Empire"  of  the 
Mayas  was  running  its  course.  From  then  to  the  middle  of 
the  fifteenth  century  the  "Transitional  Period"  and  "New 
Empire"    rose  and  fell. 

We  will  now  summarize  the  chronological  conditions  known  to 
be  true  of  Middle  America.  For  at  least  eleven  centuries  before 
Christ  various  migrations  (mainly  southward)  were  accom- 
panied by  the  steady  development  of  individual  cultures,  all 
variants  of  a  common  origin,  albeit  influenced  by  environmental 
and  psychological  conditions.  By  the  time  of  Christ,  the  high 
cultures  of  Middle  America  had  almost  crystallized  into  their 
final  forms. 

6  Bowditch,  1901  ;    Morley,  1910,  1915;    Means,  1917b,  p.  3. 

'While  on  his  most  recent  expedition  for  the  Carnegie  Institution  of 
Washington,  Mr.  Morley  discovered  an  important  site  in  northern  Guate- 
mala. He  gave  it  the  name  of  Uaxactun — Eight-stone — because  he  found 
there  a  large  stela  bearing  the  Maya  date,  8.14.10.13.15,  equal  to  about 
50  A.  D.  Another  inscription  at  that  site  may  possibly  be  eighth  cycle, 
also.  We  have,  consequently,  at  least  three  inscriptions  dating  from  50 
A.  D.  or  earlier.     (Information  given  by  Mr.  Morley  to  the  writer.) 

s  Morley,  1915,  p.  194-196;    Holmes,  1916. 


386  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

In  South  America,  what  do  we  find?  We  find  a  series  of  cul- 
tures following  one  another  in  logical  succession.  We  find  that 
the  earliest  are  the  most  like  the  Middle  American  cultures. 
We  find,  besides,  two  independent  criteria  which  enable  us  to 
build  up  an  approximate  chronology.  Each  will  be  described  in 
turn. 

The  list  of  "kings"  of  Peru  given  by  Fernando  Montesinos 
on  the  authority  of  Bias  Valera  has  only  lately  begun  to  receive 
the  attention  it  merits.9  While  it  emphatically  cannot  be  accepted 
as  real  history,  it  is,  nevertheless,  important  as  indicating  that 
popular  legend  in  the  time  of  the  Incas  preserved  the  memory 
of  many  generations  of  rulers.  Counting  the  Incas,  the  "kings" 
on  the  list  number  102.  Markham,  an  accomplished  historian  in 
other  fields  as  well  as  in  the  Peruvian,  considers  that  27  years  is 
a  fair  average  for  the  length  of  a  reign.  Accepting  this  in  its 
totality  for  the  nonce,  we  find  that  the  list  of  rulers  is  thought 
by  Montesinos  to  cover  a  period  of  2,754  years,  or,  in  other 
words,  that  the  first  ruler  flourished  about  1224  B.  C.  (1530  A.  D. 
minus  2,754).  This  date,  then,  is  the  very  earliest  that  even 
Montesinos  is  willing  to  accept.  Everyone  will  agree  that  this 
date  is  hardly  tenable.  As  Markham  says  (1912,  p.  41),  we 
must  allow  for  repetitions,  overlappings  and  other  errors.  Let 
us,  then,  be  conservative  and  consider  that  there  were  but  seventy 
reigns.  This  gives  us  about  1,900  years  as  the  period  covered 
by  the  list,  and  it  puts  the  earliest  ruler  about  350  B.  C.  Sir 
Clements  Markham  (loc.  cit.)  prefers  the  initial  date  200  B.  C. 
We  may  say,  then,  that  in  all  probability,  the  earliest  "king"  of 
Tiahuanaco  I  (it  was  of  the  mountain  races  that  Montesinos 
wrote)  flourished  about  200  B.  C.  Probably,  however,  culture 
was  low  and  local  for  many  generations.  We  find  that  the 
"first  dynasty"  of  Montesinos  is  frequently  marked  by  the  name 
Pirua.  It  consists  of  eighteen  rulers.  Let  us  call  it  fifteen; 
15  X  2j  =  405  years;  or,  in  other  words,  the  Pirua  "dynasty" 
came  to  a  close  about  200  A.  D.  Was  not  this  perhaps  the  end 
of  the  Tiahuanaco  I  period?  The  next  "dynasty"  is  marked  by 
the  name  Amauta  in  many  cases.  Montesinos  gives  it  forty-five 
rulers.     Let   us  call   it   thirty ;    30  X  27  =  810 ;    this   brings   us 

9  Montesinos,  1840,  1882;    Markham,  1912,  p.  303  ff. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  387 

up  to  about  1000  A.  D.  This  date,  however,  does  not  fit  well  with 
known  historical  facts.  Let  us,  then,  say  that  the  Amauta 
"dynasty"  (perhaps  of  Tiahuanaco  II)  flourished  from  about 
200-900  A.  D.  Montesinos  calls  the  dark  period  that  followed  the 
Amauta  "dynasty"  the  "Tampu  Tocco  period."  In  it  we  may 
see  our  Colla-Chulpa  period.  He  gives  it  twenty-seven  rulers. 
Let  us  call  it  ten ;  10  X  27  =  270  years ;  or,  to  put  it  differently, 
the  dark  period  began  to  draw  to  a  close  about  11 70  A.  D.  This 
brings  us  to  the  threshold  of  the  Inca  period.  The  late  Dr. 
Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa  constructed  a  date-chronology  of  the  Inca 
period  which  seems  to  the  writer  wholly  acceptable.  A  modified 
version  of  it  is  given  here.10 

Reigns  of  the  Incas,  According  to 
Dr.  Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa. 

Sinchi  Rocca 1 134-1 197 

Lloque  Yupanqui   1 197-1246 

Mayta   Capac    1246-1276 

Capac  Yupanqui 1276-1321 

Inca  Rocca   1321-1348 

Yahuar  Huaccac   1348-1370 

Viracocha  1370-1425 

Pachacutec    1425-1478 

Tupac  Yupanqui    1478-1488 

Huayna  Capac    1488-1525 

It  may  be  more  satisfactory  to  some  to  reduce  the  thing  to 
round  numbers,  thus :  Viracocha,  1370-1420;  Pachacutec,  1420- 
1480;  Tupac  Yupanqui,  1480-1490;  Huayna  Capac,  1490-1525. 
Either  step  will  result  in  a  fairly  accurate  basis  on  which  to  fix 
one's  idea  of  the  reign-periods. 

So  much,  then,  for  one  of  our  two  criteria.  It  has  been  noted 
that  this  one  concerns  the  mountain  region  primarily.  The  other 
is  important  for  the  coast  cultures.  It  is  unfortunate  that  it 
has  not  yet  been  fully  studied. 

The  islands  off  the  coast  of  Peru  have  long  been  famous  for 
their  deposits  of  guano.  These  lie  in  masses  of  enormous  thick- 
ness. Markham  says  that  two  and  one-half  feet  a  century  is 
approximately  the  rate  of  accumulation.  The  rate  no  doubt 
fluctuated  slightly,  but  the  careful  investigations  made  by  Mark- 


Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa,  1909;    Means,  1917,  p.  244. 


388 


Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 


ham  have  led  him  to  accept  the  above  rate  as  a  fair  average. 
According  to  Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa,  antiquities  occur  in  the  guano 
at  depths  varying  from  nine  feet  to  forty  or  more.11  This  means 
that  in  1870  (at  which  date  the  investigations  were  made)  the 
antiquities  presumably  varied  in  age  from  about  four  centuries 
(i.  e.  9  feet  gives  a  date  of  about  1450)  to  about  sixteen  cen- 
turies (i.  e.  40  feet  gives  a  date  roughly  equal  to  200  A.  D.). 
Perhaps  future  work  will  yield  more  detailed  information  as  to 
which  cultures  are  found  at  various  depths  in  the  guano.  At 
all  events,  it  seems  possible  that  for  want  of  a  better  criterion 
we  must  bear  the  evidence  of  the  guano  deposits  in  mind. 

It  is  now  well  for  us  to  summarize  and  tabulate  the  general 
results  of  the  evidence  brought  out  by  the  foregoing  discussion. 
Once  again  the  reader  is  asked  to  remember  that  the  dates  here 
offered  claim  to  be  no  more  than  roughly  approximate  guides  to 
the  imagination. 


An  Approximate  Chronology  of  the  Early  Cultures 

of  Peru.12 


Mountain  Regions 

Primary  Migrations 
Tiahuanaco  I 


Coast  Regions 
Primary 
Migrations  and 
Proto-Chimu  and 
Proto-Nasca 


Dates 
?    -200  A.  D. 


Tiahuanaco  II 


Coast  Tiahuanaco 
II,  followed  by 
"Epigonal"  and 
red-white-black 


200-900 


wares 


Colla-Chulpa  period 
(called  "Tampu  Tocco" 
by  Montesinos) 

Continuance  of 
above  styles 

900-1 100 

Early  Inca 

Chimu  and  Nasca 

1 100-1400 

Late  Inca  dominion  approaching  its  zenith 

1400-1530 

11  Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa,  1908. 

12  The  reader  is  particularly  reminded  that  there  is  much  evidence  to 
show  that  Proto-Chimu,   Proto-Nasca  and  Tiahuanaco   I   all  contributed 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  389 

This  brings  us  to  the  end  of  our  subject.  When,  in  1531,  the 
Spanish  conquest  of  Peru  began,  the  Inca  dominion — Ttahua- 
ntin-suyu — was  being  torn  to  pieces  by  a  civil  war  between  the 
legitimate  ruler,  Huascar  and  the  usurper  Atahualpa.  Subse- 
quent evolution  in  Peruvian  Art  lies  beyond  the  scope  of  the 
present  work. 

towards  the  formation  of  Tiahuanaco  II.  Moreover,  as  Tiahuanaco  II 
art  grew  older  it  became  more  and  more  complex,  spreading,  at  the  same 
time,  into  regions  very  far  away  from  Tiahuanaco  itself.  The  fact  that 
the  specimens  of  Tiahuanaco  II  art  from  the  more  distant  regions  often 
show  the  admixture  of  elements  taken  over  directly  and  bodily  from 
Proto-Chimu  and  Proto-Nasca  art,  shows  that,  even  when  Tiahuanaco  II 
was  approaching  its  end,  the  two  early  coast  arts  were  still  vigorous. 
The  dates  on  the  above  table,  therefore,  should  not  be  regarded  as  the 
terminal  dates  of  the  culture  periods,  but  as  the  approximate  dates  at 
■which  each  was  at  its  strongest  development. 


APPENDIX  I :    THE  ARCHAIC  TYPE. 

Dr.  Herbert  J.  Spinden  kindly  wrote  at  the  writer's  request 
this  summary  of  his  views  as  to  the  significance  of  the  "archaic 
type." 

"An  archaic  culture  allied  to  that  of  Mexico  and  Central 
America  seems  once  to  have  spread  across  Colombia  and  Ecuador 
to  the  coast  of  Peru.  In  Peru  the  culture  has  not  been  isolated 
in  pure  form — if  we  may  use  this  chemical  phrase  in  archae- 
ology— unless  it  should  prove  to  be  that  which  Uhle  briefly 
describes  from  the  earliest  shell-heap  remains  at  Ancon.  He 
figures  several  heads  that  resemble  very  closely  those  of  the 
lowermost  horizon  in  Mexico  and  he  finds  associated  with  them 
pottery  characterized  by  incised  and  plastic  decoration.1  It  need 
hardly  be  pointed  out  that  the  pottery  of  the  Archaic  horizon 
in  the  north  is  also  characterized  by  plastic  decoration  and  that 
when  incised  or  painted  decorations  occur  the  designs  are 
exceedingly  simple.  Highly  "conventional"  designs  based  upon 
an  animal  motive  are  not  found  in  the  truly  archaic,  but  are 
characteristic  of  the  second  crop  of  cultures  after  religion  and 
ceremony  had  developed  to  the  point  that  it  could  react  strongly 
upon  art. 

"But  in  the  absence  of  other  data  we  may  be  permitted  to  rest 
our  theory  upon  the  presence  in  the  coastal  region  of  Peru  of 
figurines  presumably  related  to  those  of  the  Archaic  horizon 
although  found  among  the  products  of  a  later  time.  At  Ancon, 
and  at  other  sites  as  well,  are  found  nude  female  figurines  with 
the  short  stubby  arms  that  are  so  characteristic  of  the  products 
of  the  Archaic  horizon  from  Mexico  to  Colombia.  These 
figurines  are  usually  moulded  rather  than  modeled  and  it  seems 
unlikely  that  moulds  came  into  use  until  the  upper  archaic  or 
even  later.  The  standing  pose  is  more  common  than  the  sitting 
one.  In  the  American  Museum  collections  there  are  perhaps 
twenty-five  examples  of  these  figurines,  and  others  are  reproduced 
by  Putnam.2 

1  Uhle,  1912,  pp.  22-45. 

2  Putnam,  1914,  Plate  XIX. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  391 

"In  addition  to  female  figurines  there  are  many  examples  of 
pottery  vessels  from  Ancon,  Trujillo,  etc.,  in  which  a  human 
figure  is  represented  in  a  fashion  that  harks  back  to  the  archaic, 
namely  with  the  elbows  and  knees  both  flexed  and  the  former 
directly  over  the  latter.  Of  course,  in  the  cases  of  both  the 
figurines  and  the  vessels  the  qualities  peculiar  to  Peruvian  art 
had  already  become  set. 

"The  theoretical  considerations  that  connect  the  spread  of 
archaic  ceramic  art  with  the  spread  of  agriculture  are  very 
strong.  No  one  can  get  away  from  the  fact  that  maize,  beans  and 
squashes  constitute  four  species  (Zea  mays,  Phaseolus  vulgaris, 
Cucurbita  maxima,  and  C.  pepo)  wherever  agriculture  is  found  in 
America.  The  Lima  bean  (Phaseolus  lunatus)  had  a  more 
restricted  use. 

"It  seems  not  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  careful  research  will 
bring  to  light  more  evidence  on  the  occurrence  of  figurines  of 
early  type.  These  objects  may  have  been  neglected  in  favor  of 
those  of  greater  artistic  interest.  For  instance,  Dorsey,  in 
discussing  the  finds  on  the  Island  of  La  Plata,  says : — 

"  'Practically  all  this  pottery  was  in  fragments,  only  two  pieces 
were  found  in  perfect  condition.  With  the  exception  of  not 
more  than  a  dozen  pieces,  all  the  fragments  were  parts  of  small 
images  in  the  form  of  human  figures.  .  .  .  From  fragments 
representing  perhaps  a  thousand  images  not  more  than  half  a 
dozen  pieces  were  found  which  bore  any  trace  of  paint.  .  .  . 
All  the  pottery,  with  a  very  few  exceptions,  is  hand  made;  that 
is,  it  was  not  made  in  a  mould,  which  was  commonly  employed 
on  the  mainland  of  Ecuador  and  throughout  a  large  extent  of 
Peru.'3 

"Many  of  the  fragments  figured  by  Dorsey  are  distinctly 
archaic  in  treatment.  Of  course  it  might  be  argued  that  the 
archaism  is  absolute  rather  than  relative  but  a  comparison  of 
special  features  gives  ample  evidence  of  transitions  from  one 
region  to  the  next." 

To  these  remarks  by  Dr.  Spinden  the  writer  would  like  to  add 
a  few  of  his  own. 

As  has  been  said,  the  "archaic  type"  is  stratigraphically  the 
earliest  in  Middle  America.    Therefore,  if  it  does  occur  in  South 

3  Dorsey,  G.  A.,  1901,  pp.  266-267. 


39 2  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

America  it  must  be  expected  to  be  the  earliest  there  also.  If 
one  is  to  believe  that  the  "archaic  type"  was  a  very  early  type 
which  spread  all  over  the  northern  half  of  Latin  America,  must 
not  one  also  assume  that  the  various  later  cultures  were  devel- 
oped from  it  in  the  several  regions  involved?  Such  a  develop- 
ment would  occur  after  religion  and  ceremony  had  gained 
considerably  in  strength,  as  Dr.  Spinden  says.  On  the  other 
hand,  if  the  "archaic  type"  is  looked  upon  as  a  cultural  land- 
mark rather  than  as  a  culture  in  itself,  the  finding  of  it  in  the 
wide  area  mentioned  does  not  prove  much.  In  other  words,  if 
we  are  to  believe  that  all  art  at  some  time  or  other  passes  through 
a  stage  wherein  it  shows  "archaic  type"  characters,  the  mere 
fact  that  art  with  archaic  characters  is  found  in  both  Middle 
America  and  South  America  does  not  mean  much.  The  writer, 
however,  finds  that  the  former  interpretation  is  the  better.  There 
can  be  but  little  doubt  as  to  the  absolute  priority  in  point  of  time 
of  the  archaic  culture  of  the  Peruvian  shell-heaps.  The  work  of 
Uhle  has  shown  that  in  Peru,  as  in  Middle  America,  the  earliest 
culture  of  all  was  the  archaic  type,  and  we  now  know  that  this 
type  was  uniform  throughout  Middle  America  and  on  the  Peru- 
vian coast.  It  is  the  foundation  whereon  all  other  cultures  were 
built. 


APPENDIX  II. 

A  TABLE  TO  SHOW  ROUGHLY  THE  CHRONOLOGICAL  ORDER 
OF  THE  EARLY  PERUVIAN  CULTURE  PERIODS. 


Names. 
Proto-Chimu. 


Areas. 
The  coast  from  Tum- 
bez  to  Ancon. 


Remarks. 
Characterized    by    realism 
and  light  tonality. 


Proto-Nasca.  The  coast  from  Pacha-         Distinguished    by    conven- 

camac  to  Arica.  tionalization  and  rich  color- 

ing. 


Tiahuanaco  I. 


In  the  mountains,  from 
Samaipata  to  Cuzco,  and 
especially  about  Lake 
Titicaca. 


A  culture  rich  in  architec- 
tural remains.  Endowed  with 
a  stone  technique.  Not  like 
P-C  or  P-N,  possibly  Ara- 
wakan. 


Tiahuanaco  II. 


"Epigonal"  and 
Red-white-black. 


In   mountains    and   on         Probably  a  complex  of  the 
coast,  from  Colombia  to     three  foregoing  cultures. 
Argentina  and  Chile. 

On  the  Peruvian  coast.        Decadent  forms  of  Tiahu- 
anaco II  culture. 


Chimu  and  Nasca.      On  the  Peruvian  coast. 


Revival  of  some  of  the 
features  of  Proto-Chimu  and 
Proto-Nasca. 


Colla-Chulpa. 


Around  Lake  Titicaca. 


Low  culture  with  faint 
traces  of  Tiahuanaco  II  in- 
fluence. 


Early  Inca. 


Cuzco  region. 


Beginning   of    new   period 
in  the  mountains. 


Inca    "Empire." 


From  Ancasmayo  in  The  last  pre-Columbian 
Ecuador  to  Maule  in  culture.  Graceful  forms,  re- 
Chile,  strained  coloring. 


Separates  contemporaneous  cultures. 

—  —    —  Separates  partly  contemporaneous  cultures. 

Separates  non-contemporaneous  cultures. 


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1904.  The  Megalithic  Age  in  Peru.  ICA,  Fourteenth  Ses- 
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NORDENSKJOLD,    BARON    ErLAND. 

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1906b.  Arkeologiska   Urdersokningar   in   Perus   och   Bolivias. 
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Oyarzun,  Aureliano. 

1910.     Contribution  al  estudio  de  la  influencia  de  la  civiliza- 
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1899.     La  Piedra  de  Chavin.    BSGL,  IX,  p.  192  ff.  and  262  ff. 

1 901.     Indios  Uros  del  Peru  y  Bolivia.    BSGL,  X,  pp.  445-482. 
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1910.  Tiahuanacu  y  las   razas  y  monumentos  prehistoricos. 

ICA,  Seventeenth  Session,  pp.  267-68. 

191 1.  Tiahuanacu  y  la  civilization  prehistorica.    .    .    BSGLP, 

IX,  pp.  1-53. 
1911b.  Razas  y  monumentos  prehistoricos  del  altiplano  andino. 
TCCC,  XI,  pp.  2-142. 

1913.  El  signo  escalonado.    .    .    .    Berlin. 
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1913c.  Die  Altertiimer  von  Tiahuanacu.  ZE,  XLV,  pp.  178- 
186. 

1914.  Una   metropoli    prehistorica    en    la   America    del    sud. 

Berlin. 


400  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

Putnam,  Edward  K. 

1914.  The  Davenport  Collection  of  Nazca  and  other  Peruvian 

Pottery.    PDAS,  XIII,  pp.  17-40. 

OUIROGA,    ADAN. 

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1904.     On    two    Pottery    Vessels    from    the    Upper    Amazon. 
Man,  IV,  No.  32. 
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1880-87.     The  Necropolis  of  Ancon.     Berlin. 
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Johann  Jakob. 

1851.     Antigiiedades  Peruanas.     Vienna,  2  vols. 
Rivet,  P. ;    See  Verneau  and  Rivet. 
Ross,  Denman  Waldo. 

1901.     Design  as  a  Science.    PAAS,  XXXVI,  pp.  357-374. 

1907.     A  Theory  of  Pure  Design.    Boston. 
Sancho,  Pedro. 

1849.     Relation  de  la  conquista  del  Peru.    Mexico. 
Sarmiento  de  Gamboa,  Pedro. 

1907.     History   of   the    Incas.      Edited    by    Sir    Clements    R. 
Markham. 
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185 1.     Voyage     .     .     .     dans  l'Amerique  du  Sud.     Revue  des 
Deux  Mondes.     185 1. 
Saville,  Marshall  H. 

1907-10.     Antiquities  of  Manabi.     New  York,  2  vols. 
Seler,  Eduard. 

1893.     Peruanische  Altherthiimer.     Berlin. 
Simoens  da  Silva,  A.  C. 

1912.  Points  of   Contact  of  the   Prehistoric   Civilizations   of 

Brazil  and  Argentina  with  those  of  the  Pacific  Coast 
Countries.    ICA,  Eighteenth  Session,  pp.  302-310. 
Spinden,  Herbert  J. 

1913.  A  Study  of  Maya  Art.     Peabody  Museum  Memoirs, 

VI.     Cambridge,  Mass. 

1915.  Notes  on  the  Archeology  of   Salvador.     AA,    (n.   s.) 

XVII,  pp.  446-491. 
1916b.  Portraiture  in  Central  American  Art.     Holmes  Memo- 
rial Volume,  pp.  434-450. 


A  Survey  of  Ancient  Peruvian  Art.  4CI 

Squier,  E.  George. 

1877.     Peru    ....    the  Land  of  the  Incas.    New  York. 
Stubel,  Alphons,  and  Uhle,  Max. 

1892.     Die  Ruinenstatte  von  Tiahuanaco.     Breslau. 
Torres  Rubio,  Diego  de. 

1616.     Arte  de  la  lengua  Aymara.     Lima. 
von  Tschudi,  Johann  Jakob. 

1868.     Reisen  durch  Sudamerika.    Leipzig,  5  vols. 
Tozzer,  Alfred  M. 

1916.     The  Domain  of  the  Aztecs.     .     .     .     Holmes  Memorial 
Volume,  pp.  464-468. 
Uhle,  Max. 

1901.  La  antigua  civilizacion  peruana.    BSGL,  X,  p.  93  ff. 

1902.  Types  of  Culture  in  Peru.    AA,  (n.  s.)  IV,  pp.  753-759. 

1903.  Pachacamac.     Philadelphia. 

1908.  Uber  die  Fruhkulturen  in  der  Umgebung  von  Lima. 

ICA,  Sixteenth  Session,  pp.  347-370. 

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627. 

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289  ff. 

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tina.   ICA,  vSeventeenth  Session,  pp.  509-540. 

1910c.  Los  origenes  de  los  Incas.     ICA,  Seventeenth  Session, 

PP-  302-353- 

1912.  Die  Muschelhiigel  von  Ancon.     ICA,  Eighteenth  Ses- 

sion, pp.  22-45. 

1913.  Die  Ruinen  von  Moche.    JAP,  X,  pp.  95-117. 

1913b.  Zur  Chronologie  der  alten  Culturen  von  lea.    JAP,  X, 

PP-  34I-367- 

1914.  The  Nazca  Pottery  of  Ancient  Peru.    PDAS,  XIII. 

Verneau,  R.,  and  Rivet,  P. 

1912.     Ethnographie  ancienne  de  l'Equateur.     Paris. 

VOCABULARIO    PoLIGLOTA    InCAICO. 

1905.     Lima. 
Wiener,  Charles. 

1880.     Perou  et  Bolivie.     Paris. 
Young,  Jennie  J. 

1879     The  Ceramic  Art.     New  York. 


LIST  OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PLATE  I. 

Fig.  i.  A  Proto-Chimu  vessel  showing  two  hunting-scenes,  one 
modelled  and  one  painted  in  dark  brown  on  a  cream- 
colored  slip. 

Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Fig.  2.     A  Proto-Chimu  vessel  with  a  modelled  scene  represent- 
ing some  ceremony,  and  an  engraved  landscape. 
Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Fig.  3.  A  somewhat  grotesque  Proto-Chimu  vessel  of  the 
portrait  type.  Note  the  fangs  and  the  feather-like 
headdress. 

Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Fig.  4.  A  portrait,  probably  belonging  to  the  Proto-Chimu 
culture. 

Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Fig.  5.     A    dipper-shaped    Proto-Chimu    vessel    adorned    by    a 
conventionalized  starfish  or  octopus. 
Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

PLATE  II. 

Fig.  1.     A  Proto-Nasca  vessel  of  the  semi-realistic  type.     Note 
realistic  hands  and  the  modelling  of  the  head. 
Courtesy  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
New  York  City. 

Fig.  2.  A  Proto-Nasca  vessel  with  some  realism,  especially  in 
the  spears  and  spear-thrower.  Note  the  eye-painting, 
and  the  type  of  dress. 

Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 


404  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

Fig.  3.  A  Proto-Nasca  bowl  showing  Centipede-God  motif. 
Note  four-digit  hands. 

Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Fig.  4.     A  Proto-Nasca  vessel  with  two  narrow  spouts. 

Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Fig.  5.     A    Proto-Nasca    vessel    decorated    with    the    Multiple- 
headed  God  motif.    Note  the  four  digit-hands. 
Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Fig.  6.  A  semi-realistic  modelled  vessel,  of  the  Proto-Nasca 
culture. 

Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

PLATE  III. 

Fig.  1.  A  Proto-Nasca  vessel.  Note  the  headdress,  the  mouth- 
mask,  the  ribbon-and-ring  decorations,  and  the  conven- 
tionalized spear-thrower. 

Courtesy  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
New  York  City. 

Fig.  2.  A  Proto-Nasca  vessel  with  a  variant  of  the  Centipede 
God  motif.  Note  the  four-digit  hands  and  the  pro- 
truding tongue. 

Courtesy  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
New  York  City. 

Fig.  3.  A  Proto-Nasca  vessel.  Note  the  feather-like  mouth- 
mask,  the  ribbon-and-ring  decorations,  and  the  bilateral 
symmetry  of  the  design. 

Courtesy  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
New  York  City. 

PLATE  IV. 

Fig.  1.  An  embroidered  Proto-Nasca  textile.  Note  the  head- 
dress, mouth-mask,  and  the  four  digit-hands. 


List  of  Illustrations.  4°5 

Courtesy  of  the  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Fig.  2.  A  Proto-Xasca  vessel  decorated  with  a  variant  of  the 
Centipede  God  motif  and  with  a  painted  human  face. 
Xote  the  four-digit  hands,  the  protruding  tongue  and  the 
"tears." 

Courtesy  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
New  York  City. 

Fig.  3.  A  Proto-Nasca  textile.  Note  the  headdress,  the  mouth- 
mask,  the  four-digit  hand,  and  the  elaborately  decorated 
protruding  tongue. 

Courtesy  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
New  York  City. 

PLATE  V. 

A  richly  embroidered  Proto-Nasca  textile.     The  design 
combines  elements  from  the  Centipede  God  motif  with 
elements  from  the  Multiple-headed  God  motif. 
Courtesy    of    Dr.    Denman    Waldo    Ross    and    of    the 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Massachusetts. 

PLATE  VI. 

A  large  and  beautiful   embroidered   Proto-Nasca   gar- 
ment.    Made  entirely  of  wool. 

Courtesy    of    Dr.    Denman    Waldo    Ross    and    of    the 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Massachusetts. 

PLATE  VII. 

The  Weeping  God  on  the  monolithic  gateway  at  Tia- 
huanaco. 

Photograph  by  courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cam- 
bridge, Massachusetts. 

PLATE  VIII. 

Fig.  1.  A  finely  woven  garment,  probably  of  the  Tiahuanaco  II 
culture. 


406  Philip  Ainsworth  Means, 

Courtesy  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
New  York  City. 

Fig.  2.     A  garment   from  the   coast  of   Peru,  probably   of  the 
Tiahuanaco  II  culture. 

Courtesy  of  Dr.  Denman  Waldo  Ross  and  of  the 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Massachusetts. 

PLATE  IX. 

The  Greater  Chavin  Stone. 

Photograph  by  courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cam- 
bridge, Massachusetts. 

PLATE  X. 

Two  textiles,  either  late  Tiahuanaco  II  or  Epigonal. 
Note  the  results  of  long-continued  conventionalization 
and  elaboration. 

Courtesy  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
New  York  City. 

PLATE  XI. 

Fig.  i.     A  Red-white-black  ware  vase.    Note  the  headdress,  the 
modelled  face  and  the  painted  animal-figure. 
Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Fig.  2.     A  Red-white-black  ware  vessel  in  the  form  of  a  cat-like 
animal. 

Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Fig.  3.     A  Black-ware  vessel,  Chimu  culture. 

Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Fig.  4.     A  Black-ware  flask,  Chimu  culture. 

Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Fig.  5.     A  Black-ware  vessel,  Chimu  culture. 

Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 


List  of  Illustrations.  4°7 

Fig.  6.     A  Black-ware  flask,  Chimu  culture. 

Courtesy  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

PLATE  XII. 

Fig.  i.  A  Chimu  textile.  Note  the  combination  of  geometric 
decoration  with  greatly  conventionalized  animal-heads 
or  bird-heads. 

Courtesy  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
New  York  City. 

Fig.  2.     A  very  fine  pouch,  Chimu  culture. 

Courtesy  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
New  York  City. 

PLATE  XIII. 

Fig.  i.  An  Inca  or  Cuzco  aryballus  of  exquisite  shape,  deco- 
rated with  quipu  motif. 

Yale  Collection;    courtesy  of  the  Connecticut  Academy 
of  Arts  and  Sciences. 

Fig.  2.  An  Inca  or  Cuzco  aryballus,  decorated  with  rectilinear 
meander. 

Yale  Collection;    courtesy  of  the  Connecticut  Academy 
of  Arts  and  Sciences. 

PLATE  XIV. 

Fig.  i.  An  Inca  or  Cuzco  pelike,  decorated  with  lines-and-cross 
motif. 

Yale  Collection ;    courtesy  of  the  Connecticut  Academy 
of  Arts  and  Sciences. 

Fig.  2.     A  deep  bowl  with  handles,  Inca  or  Cuzco  type. 

Yale  Collection ;    courtesy  of  the  Connecticut  Academy 
of  Arts  and  Sciences. 

Fig.  3.  A  shallow  dish,  decorated  with  saw-tooth  motif  and 
with  diamond-motif.  Note  the  handle  in  the  form  of  a 
human  head.  Inca  or  Cuzco  type  with  influence  from 
the  art  of  the  coast. 

Yale  Collection ;    courtesy  of  the  Connecticut  Academy 
of  Arts  and  Sciences. 


408  Philip  Ainsworth  Means. 

Fig.  4.     A  shallow  dish,  Inca  or  Cuzco  type. 

Yale  Collection ;    courtesy  of  the  Connecticut  Academy 
of  Arts  and  Sciences. 

PLATE  XV. 

Fig.  1.     An  Inca  or  Cuzco  aryballus. 

Yale  Collection ;    courtesy  of  the  Connecticut  Academy 
of  Arts  and  Sciences. 

Fig.  2.     An  Inca  or  Cuzco  vessel. 

Yale  Collection ;    courtesy  of  the  Connecticut  Academy 
of  Arts  and  Sciences. 

Fig  3.  A  vessel  with  anthropomorphic  decorations.  Although 
the  specimen  was  found  at  Machu  Picchu,  it  may  have 
been  carried  there  from  the  coast.  It  is  of  the  Chimu 
type,  not  of  the  Inca  or  Cuzco  type. 
Yale  Collection ;  courtesy  of  the  Connecticut  Academy 
of  Arts  and  Sciences. 

Fig.  4.     A  vessel  combining  Chimu  art  with  Inca  or  Cuzco  art. 
Compare  with  Figure  3. 

Yale  Collection ;    courtesy  of  the  Connecticut  Academy 
of  Arts  and  Sciences. 

PLATE  XVI. 

Two  Inca  or  Cuzco  type  ponchos.     Very  rich  in  color, 
and  beautifully  woven. 

Courtesy  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
New  York  City. 

PLATE  XVII. 

Two  Inca  or  Cuzco  type  textiles. 

Courtesy  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 

New  York  City. 


Trans.  Conn.  Acad.  Vol.  XXI. 


PLATE    I. 


Trans.  Conn.  Acad.  Vol.   XXI. 


PLATE    II. 


Trans.  Conn.  Acad.  Vol.  XXI. 


PLATE  III. 


Trans.  Conn.  Acad.    Vol.  XXI. 


PLATE    IV. 


Trans.   Conn.  Acad.   Vol.   XXI. 


PLATE    V. 


Trans.   Conn.  Acad.  Vol.  XXI. 


PLATE    VI. 


Trans.  Conn.  Acad.  Vol.   XXI. 


PLATE   VII. 


Trans.  Conn.   Acad.  Vol.  XXI. 


PLATE   VIII. 


Trans.  Conn.  Aead.   Vol.  XXI. 


PLATE  IX. 


Trans.  Conn.  Aead.  Vol.  XXI. 


PLATE  X. 


Trans.  Conn.  Aead.  Vol.  XXI. 


PLATE  XI. 


Trans.  Conn.  Acad.  Vol.  XXI. 


PLATE  XII. 


Trans.  Conn.  Acad.  Vol.  XXI. 


PLATE  XIII. 


Trans.  Conn.  Acad.  Vol.  XXI. 


PLATE  XIV. 


Trans.  Conn.  Acad.  Vol.  XXI. 


PLATE  XV. 


Trans.  Conn.  Acad.  Vol.  XXI. 


PLATE  XVI. 


Trans.  Conn.   Acad.  Vol.  XXI. 


PLATE  XVII. 


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GETTY  CENTER  LIBRARY 


3  3125  00035  9907 


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CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  21  OF  THE  TRANSACTIONS 

PAGES  PRICE 

1-144    The  Last  Months  of  Chaucer's  Earliest  Patron, 

by  Professor  Albert  S.  Cook  (Dec.  1916)  ....  $1.60 

145-200     The  Relationship  of  the  Tetracoralla  to  the  Hexa- 

coralla,  by  W.  I.  Robinson  (Feb.  1917) 40 

201-313     The  American  Species  of  Marchantia,  by  Alex- 
ander W.  Evans  (March,  1917) 1.20 

315-442     A   Survey  of  Ancient   Peruvian  Art,   by   Philip 

Ainsworth   Means    (May,    1917) 1.50 


